SB    310    501 


ncoln 

and 


illiam  E.  Doster 


ALEXANDER  GOLDSTEIN 


Lincoln 

and 

Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 


By 

William  E.  Doster 

Late  Brevet  Brigadier  General  U.  S.  V. 
Provost  Marshal  of  Washington 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  and   London 

ZIbe    fmfcfcerbocfcer    press 

1915 


**•'!    \     >-*  v,, 

COPYRIGHT,  1915 

BY 
WILLIAM    E.    DOSTER 


ttbe  Knickerbocker  iprcse,  1Wcvc  Worft 


PREFACE 

DURING  the  writer's  service  in  the  field  and  in 
garrison,  he  jotted  down,  on  the  reverse  side  of 
field  maps  and  on  loose  sheets  of  paper,  memo 
randa  of  his  experiences,  and  at  the  end  of  the  war 
(1865-66)  wrote  out  these  memoranda  substan 
tially  in  the  form  in  which  they  now  appear. 

In  the  period  between  the  close  of  the  war  and 
1909,  the  writer  was  too  much  occupied  in  pro 
fessional  and  other  labors  to  give  attention  to 
the  publication  of  these  recollections  and  they 
remained  untouched,  in  manuscript. 

During  1909,  however,  many  requests  came  to 
him  from  all  parts  of  the  country  for  copies  of  an 
address  on  Abraham  Lincoln  which  the  writer  had 
delivered  in  that  year  before  Lehigh  University, 
South  Bethlehem,  Pennsylvania.  The  suggestion 
was  also  repeatedly  made  that  he  write  out  and 
publish,  for  preservation  in  permanent  form,  not 
only  that  address,  but  any  other  recollections  that 
he  might  have  about  the  war,  including  particu 
larly  those  associated  with  the  Old  Capitol  Prison 
and  the  conspiracy  trial,  topics  alluded  to  in  that 
address. 

It  is  in  compliance  with  these  suggestions  and 
requests  that  it  was  determined,  at  the  end  of  fifty 

iii 

773169 


iv  Preface 

years  from  the  declaration  of  peace,  to  publish  the 
manuscripts  in  book  form,  in  the  modest  hope  that 
the  record  may  prove  of  interest  to  the  survivors 
of  that  struggle,  to  the  descendants  of  those  who 
have  passed  away,  and  that  it  may  be  of  some 
value  to  the  future  historian. 


W.  E.  D. 


BETHLEHEM,  PA., 
June,  1915. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE iii 

CHAPTER 

I. — ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  i 

II. — WASHINGTON  CITY — 1862    .  .       46 

III. — THE  OLD  CAPITOL  AND  CARROL  PRISONS, 

1862-63          .  .  -74 

IV. — THE  WAR  DEPARTMENT  AND  ITS  HEAD, 

1862-63 112 

V. — INCIDENTS  OF  PROVOST  DUTY        .         .     134 

VI. — FREE    NEGROES,    CONTRABANDS,    AND 

SLAVES  .         .         .         .         .162 

VII. — CABINET  MEMBERS  AND  ARMY  OFFICERS    170 
VIII. — THE  CAMPAIGN  ENDING  WITH  CHANCEL- 

LORSVILLE          .  .  .  .  .186 

IX. — THE  CAMPAIGN  ENDING  WITH  GETTYS 
BURG      207 

X.— THE  CAPITAL  IN  1864— A  DIARY  .         .     235 
XI. — CONSPIRACY  TRIAL,  1865     .         .         .     255 


Lincoln 

and 

Episodes    of  the    Civil    War 


CHAPTER  I 
ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  * 

LADIES  AND  GENTLEMEN  :  We  have  met  to  cele 
brate  the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  birth 
of  our  sixteenth  President,  Abraham  Lincoln,  of 
Illinois.  We  have  celebrated  his  birthday  anni 
versary  heretofore,  not  at  the  invitation  of  the 
National  Government,  nor  of  all  the  States,  but 
at  the  request  of  fourteen  States,  out  of  forty-six, 
which  have  made  the  day  a  legal  holiday.  Seven 
of  the  Southern  States  have  made  a  legal  holiday 
of  June  3d,  the  birthday  of  Jefferson  Davis,  so 
that,  in  the  legislatures,  at  least,  there  is  no 
unanimity  in  the  distribution  of  glory,  and  the 
majority  is  silent.  We  all  know,  however,  that,  in 
the  North,  during  the  forty-four  years  which  have 
elapsed  since  the  war  ended,  and  since  Lincoln 
died,  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  his  name  has  grown  in 

*  An  address  delivered  at  Lehigh  University,  South  Bethlehem, 
Pa.,  February  12,  1909. 

I 


'  •(«  *  •>     •   -     I 

a..         Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

popular  esteem — that  he  is  conceded  to  have  been 
the  apostle  of  freedom,  the  conqueror  over  great 
odds  in  a  civil  war,  the  emancipator  of  slaves,  and 
the  blessed  martyr,  standing,  according  to  the 
vote  taken  in  1900  in  the  Hall  of  Fame  of  New 
York  University,  next  to  Washington  as  second 
Father  of  his  Country — two  venerable  names, 
surpassing  in  brightness  all  the  twenty-six  who 
have  held  the  office  of  President.  It  is  also  known 
that  his  birth  was  humble,  his  race  shiftless,  his 
education  limited  and  self -acquired,  his  reputation 
as  a  lawyer  local,  his  career  in  Congress  creditable, 
but  without  distinction,  and  that  he  rose,  from 
a  comparatively  obscure  Western  attorney,  to 
supreme  eminence,  at  home  and  abroad,  in  about 
seven  years,  between  1858  and  1865.  How  did 
that  come  about?  To  leap  from  a  Springfield  law 
office  to  second  place  in  the  Hall  of  Fame  is  to 
jump  faster  and  higher  than  any  lawyer  ever 
jumped  before,  and  it  is  interesting  to  find  out 
how  he  made  it.  To  discover  that,  we  must  go 
back  briefly,  and  remind  ourselves  of  what 
happened  before  1858,  when  Lincoln  first  came 
into  public  notice.1 

Our  good  forefathers  of  the  thirteen  original 
States  were,  as  States,  with  one  exception,  slave 
holders.  When  they  came  to  associate  themselves, 
and  to  form  a  constitution,  they  neither  forbade 
nor  assented  to  slavery,  but  they  did  insert  in 
their  document  the  Bill  of  Rights,  which  asserted 
that  all  men  were  born  free  and  equal,  and  that 


Abraham  Lincoln  3 

every  one  was  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness;  charming  doctrines  which 
Jefferson  had  borrowed  from  the  salons  of  Paris 
and  which,  previously,  the  salons  of  Paris  had 
acquired  from  the  Swiss  philosopher  Rousseau. 
When,  however,  it  came  to  the  matter  of  abolishing 
slavery,  which  act  would  cause  a  loss  of  property, 
they  were  hardly  ready  to  give  to  the  blacks  the 
liberty  they  had  taken  for  themselves  from 
George  III.  of  England;  and  so  they  went  no 
further  than  the  abolition  of  the  slave  trade,  the 
source  of  the  evil,  the  fair  inference  being  that 
they  were  willing  that  slavery  should  die  a  natural 
death,  and  thus  not  affect  injuriously  the  business 
interests  of  our  illustrious  founders.  If  that  was 
the  intention,  it  was  not  carried  out,  for,  in  time, 
cotton  raising  became  very  profitable,  and,  being 
profitable,  it  was  desirable,  from  the  planter's 
point  of  view,  that  every  new  State  admitted  into 
the  Union  should  form  an  extension  of  slavery. 
In  addition,  the  negro,  as  cook,  nurse,  and  body- 
servant  had  become  a  very  comfortable  and 
seemingly  indispensable  addition  to  the  planter's 
home  and  household.  On  the  other  hand,  human 
bondage  in  a  republic  was  such  a  mockery  and 
contradiction,  and  its  effect  on  the  masters  was 
so  demoralizing,  that,  in  the  North,  succeeding  the 
Whig  party,  a  powerful  party  arose  to  prevent  its 
extension,  with  one  wing  demanding  abolition- 
compensated  or  not,  but  in  any  case,  abolition. 
This  quarrel  arose  in  1830,  was  debated  in  the 


4  Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Senate  between  Webster  and  Calhoun,  had  been 
compromised,  the  compromise  repealed,  and  the 
question  raised  on  extension  or  no  extension,  when 
Kansas  came  to  be  admitted. 

Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  " Little  Giant"  of 
Illinois,  was  the  leader  of  the  Pro-Slavery  party 
in  the  Senate,  and  much  was  heard  of  "Popular 
Sovereignty,"  "Bleeding  Kansas,"  and  "Border 
Ruffians."  Buchanan,24  a  Democrat,  was  Presi 
dent.  This  issue,  extension  or  no  extension,  was 
up  when  Lincoln  was  nominated  for  the  Senate 
by  the  Republicans  of  Illinois  against  Douglas, 
and  that  was  the  issue  upon  which  the  two  de 
bated,  stumping  through  Illinois.  This  drew  the 
attention  of  the  country  to  the  debaters,  and  their 
arguments  were  eagerly  read  throughout  the  land. 
I  was  then  a  law  student  at  Cambridge  and  had 
heard  Wendell  Phillips  denounce  the  Constitution 
as  a  "Covenant  with  Hell, "  and  recall  the  debate. 
Douglas  planted  himself  squarely  on  the  Constitu 
tion  and  on  the  Dred  Scott  Decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  which  upheld  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law,  recently  delivered.  Lincoln 
took  his  stand  on  the  Constitution,  the  Bill  of 
Rights,  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  I 
quote  one  paragraph  from  Lincoln's  speech  of 
August  17,  1858.  Speaking  of  the  framers  of  the 
Declaration,  he  said : 

Wise  statesmen  as  they  were,  they  knew  the  ten 
dency  of  posterity  to  breed  tyrants  and  so  they 


Abraham  Lincoln  5 

established  these  great  self-evident  truths,  that  when 
in  the  distant  future,  some  man,  some  faction,  some 
interest,  should  set  up  the  doctrine  that  none  but  rich 
men,  or  none  but  white  men,  or  none  but  Anglo-Saxon 
white  men,  were  entitled  to  life,  liberty,  and  the  pur 
suit  of  happiness,  their  posterity  might  look  up  again 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  take  courage 
to  renew  the  battle,  which  their  fathers  began,  so  that 
truth  and  justice,  and  all  the  humane  and  Christian 
virtues  might  not  be  extinguished  from  the  land;  so 
that  no  man  should  hereafter  dare  to  limit  and  cir 
cumscribe  the  great  principles,  on  which  the  temple  of 
liberty  was  being  built. 

Lincoln  was  defeated  for  the  Senate,  but  he  was 
hailed  as  the  inspired  prophet  of  liberty,  who, 
although  he  was  weak  in  his  technical,  legal 
position,  avoided  the  ranting  of  Garrison  and 
Phillips  and,  on  principles  far  above  all  common 
and  statute  law,  was  invulnerable.  In  fact, 
slavery  never  was  extended  after  that  debate. 
Lincoln  had  given  it  a  mortal  wound.  Thereafter, 
it  was  clear  to  the  planters  that  the  survival  of 
human  bondage  in  twenty-one  Northern  States 
was  out  of  the  question,  and  that,  if  it  were  to 
survive  at  all,  it  could  survive  only  under  a 
separate  government,  formed  of  the  seven  slave 
States,  making  slavery  its  foundation,  and  trusting 
in  the  supremacy  of  cotton  to  obtain  the  recogni 
tion  of  other  powers  as  an  independent  sovereign 
state.  They  made  their  plans  accordingly,  pre 
paring  for  the  event  while  the  army  and  navy 


6  Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

were  under  their  control,  between  1856  and  1860, 
when  the  passive  Buchanan  retired  to  his  home 
at  Wheatland,  Pa.,  surrendering  to  his  successor 
nothing  except  what  the  planters  considered  not 
worth  taking  along.  They  left  the  building  but 
took  all  the  money  in  the  treasury. 

I  next  heard  of  Lincoln  in  1860  (while  I  was  a 
student  in  Germany),  as  the  candidate  of  the 
Republicans  for  President  and  at  the  same  time 
I  learned  of  the  threat  of  seven  of  the  States  to 
secede,  if  he  was  elected.  On  the  fourth  day  of 
July  of  that  year,  the  Americans,  of  whom  about 
one-half  were  Southerners,  celebrated  the  day 
with  a  dinner  at  the  "Adler,"  Heidelberg,  which 
proceeded  with  decorum,  until  a  student  from 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  offered  the  toast, 
"Here's  to  the  United  States,  may  they  ever  go 
on,  but  never  Link-on. "  This  was  too  much,  and 
the  war  between  the  States  broke  out,  then  and 
there,  and  took  the  form  of  duels  to  be  fought  next 
day.  These,  however,  were  peaceably  settled  by 
a  Philadelphia  lawyer  present,  who  suggested  to 
all  hands  to  put  off  their  fighting  until  they  got 
home,  when,  in  all  likelihood,  they  would  get  more 
of  it  than  they  wanted.  All  of  which  turned  out 
to  be  true,  for,  of  my  own  class  at  Yale,  numbering 
105,  one-third  were  in  the  armies,  and  ten  killed, 
five  on  each  side.  No  doubt,  a  similar  percentage 
is  true  among  men  of  other  colleges.  The  gentle 
man  who  offered  that  toast,  I  am  informed,  kept 
out  of  the  war  altogether. 


Abraham  Lincoln  7 

In  November,  1860,  during  the  election,  I  was 
at  sea  on  the  steamer  Vanderbilt,  coming  home 
with  the  late  Robert  H.  Sayre,  then  Chief  Engineer 
of  the  Lehigh  Valley  Railroad,  and  Robert  Packer, 
eldest  son  of  the  President  of  the  road,  Judge  Asa 
Packer.     On  landing,  we  heard  that  Lincoln  had 
been  elected, — that  all  business  was  at  a  standstill, 
— that  seven  Southern  States  were  about  to  secede 
from  the  Union,  and,  what  disturbed  my  friends 
most,    that    Lehigh   Valley   Railroad   stock   had 
dropped  to  $30  per  share,   they   little   dreaming 
that  the  impending  war  would  make  that  railroad 
a  source  of  great  profit,  and  that  that  profit  would 
by  1866  (six  years  later),  through  the  munificence 
of  its  President,  be  used  to  found  a  seat  of  learning 
called  Lehigh  University.    None  of  the  passengers 
on  the  ship   dreamt  that   the  vessel   would  be 
presented    by    Commodore    Vanderbilt    to    the 
Government,  as  his  contribution  to  the  cause  of 
the  Union.    I  hear  that  it  is  still  in  existence  as  a 
transport.     My  companion,   another  Heidelberg 
student,  was  bearer  of  letters  from  Mr.  Hunting- 
ton,  then  the  Paris  correspondent  of  the  New  York 
Tribune,  and  I  went  with  him  to  the  Tribune  Office, 
where  we  delivered  them  to  Mr.  Charles  A.  Dana, '  4 
then  Mr.  Greeley's  assistant  editor.     Mr.  Dana 
took  a  gloomy  view  of  the  future.    He  was  sure 
there   would   be    an    insurrection,    and   doubted 
Lincoln's  ability  to  put  it  down.    He  thought  the 
new  President  a  fine  orator  and  an  honest  man, 
but  no  more;  he,  also,  little  dreaming  that,  during 


8  Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

the  impending  war,  he  would  be  appointed  by  Mr. 
Lincoln,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War  and  stand  at 
his  bedside  when  he  died. 

I  first  saw  Lincoln  on  February  21,  1861  (while 
I  was  a  student  at  Philadelphia),  on  his  route 
from  Springfield  to  Washington,  to  be  inaugurated. 
I  stood  in  the  crowd  at  the  corner  of  Ninth 
and  Chestnut  streets  to  see  him  drive  from  the 
Reading  Station  to  the  Continental.  He  came, 
seated  in  an  open  carriage,  a  person  of  very  large, 
lean  frame,  dark  complexion,  jet  black  hair,  full 
beard,  no  mustache,  wearing  a  high  silk  hat  and 
brown  overcoat.  His  expression  was  mild,  rather 
sad,  but  firm,  as  a  benevolent  person  that  had 
seen  lots  of  trouble  and  saw  lots  more  ahead. 
Soon  afterward,  he  appeared  on  the  balcony  over 
the  Chestnut  Street  entrance,  and  spoke  very 
briefly. 

Next  morning,  February  22,  1861,  I  got  up 
early  to  hear  him  make  a  speech  at  a  flag  raising 
in  front  of  Independence  Hall.  The  substance  of 
what  he  said  was,  that,  if  we  cultivated  the  spirit 
which  animated  our  forefathers,  the  flag  would 
stay  there,  and  that  additional  stars  would  be 
placed  on  the  flag,  until  we  numbered  many 
millions  of  happy  and  prosperous  people.  Of 
what  trouble  he  had  before  the  election,  I  knew 
nothing;  but  we  all  know  of  the  great  troubles 
later  borne  by  him.  In  December,  1860,  a  few 
months  before,  the  defeated  party  had  made 
good  their  threat, — not  to  stay  in  the  Union 


Abraham  Lincoln  9 

if  he  were  elected, — seven  out  of  the  thirty- 
one  States  had  set  up  a  separate  government 
called  "The  Confederate  States  of  America,"  had 
adopted  a  constitution,  had  elected  Jefferson 
Davis,  President,  and  were  organizing  under  a  flag 
called  the  "Stars  and  Bars,"  with  a  uniform  of 
gray,  an  army  to  defend  their  possession  of  the 
custom-houses,  forts,  arsenals,  mints,  and  other 
property  of  the  United  States,  which  they  had 
seized,  by  fraud  and  force,  and  without  a  shadow 
of  title.  General  Scott,9  commander-in-chief  of 
this  army,  was  a  Virginian,  infirm  and  of  uncertain 
loyalty  at  that  time;  Colonel  Lee,15  General 
Scott's  Chief  of  Staff,  Twiggs,  Johnson,  Hardie, 
and  many  other  good  West  Point  officers  had 
joined  the  rebellion,  and  although  Mr.  Lincoln 
claimed  the  Union  was  incapable,  in  law,  of  being 
broken,  it  was,  in  fact,  broken  on  a  geographical 
line.  He  knew,  moreover,  that,  to  reach  Washing 
ton,  he  would  have  to  pass  through  Baltimore,  a 
hostile  city,  and  that,  if  he  got  there,  he  would 
land  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  a  slave  district, 
full  of  Southern  sympathizers,  who  gave  social 
tone  to  the  Capital,  and  of  officers  whom  he  could 
not  trust,  and  that  he  would  be  sandwiched 
between  the  slave  States  of  Virginia,  Maryland, 
and  Delaware.  To  save  the  Union  and  yet  crush  a 
rebellion  was  his  job,  and  it  was  a  task  of  which 
Senator  Lodge  says:  "No  greater,  no  more  diffi 
cult  task,  has  ever  been  faced  by  any  man  in 
modern  times." 


io          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

I  next  saw  Lincoln  in  Washington  in  the  fall  of 
1 86 1.  He  had  passed  through  more  trouble  since 
I  had  seen  him  at  Philadelphia.  In  March,  he 
had  gone  to  Washington  in  disguise,  and  had  made 
his  inaugural  address,  in  which  he  said:  "We  are 
all  friends,  and  must  not  be  enemies."  Scorning 
these  advances,  however,  the  rebels,  on  April  14, 
1 86 1,  had  bombarded  Fort  Sumter;  the  National 
flag  had  been  hauled  down;  the  rebel  flag  had  been 
hoisted  in  its  place,  and,  in  the  North  had  sprung 
up  an  excitement  unparalleled  before  or  since. 
Party  lines  had  been  dissolved,  and  the  outraged 
people  arose  in  wrath  to  punish  treason  and  to  re 
store  the  Stars  and  Stripes  to  its  rightful  place.  My 
own  instructor,  a  Philadelphia  lawyer,  and  a  Demo 
crat,  became  deranged  and  was  sent  to  Kirkbride 
Asylum,  where  he  occupied  himself  endeavoring 
to  perfect  a  machine  for  manufacturing  aboli 
tionists.  Simon  Cameron,23  the  new  Secretary  of 
War,  had  urged  Lincoln  to  use  all  of  the  resources 
at  his  command  to  stamp  out  the  insurrection,  while 
young;  to  call  out  five  hundred  thousand  men,  to 
free  the  negroes  and  arm  them,  and  so  place  the  Con 
federacy  between  two  fires.  Thaddeus  Stevens,20 
of  Lancaster,  a  famous  lawyer,  who  later  led  John 
son's  impeachment,  had  advised  the  President 
that,  legally,  he  could  call  out  a  million  men,  and 
invite  the  slaves  to  join  the  Union  Army.  The 
arming  of  the  slaves  as  a  war  measure  was  strongly 
advocated  by  Stevens.  General  John  E.  Wool 
wanted  two  hundred  thousand  men;  so  did 


Abraham  Lincoln  n 

Sherman.  The  former  was  called  a  dotard,  the 
latter,  a  lunatic.  Lincoln  refused  the  advice  of 
these  men,  because  he  feared  it  would  cause  the 
Border  States  to  join  the  Confederacy,  and  called 
out  seventy  thousand  men.  This  action,  as  it 
turned  out,  was  trying  to  put  out  a  confla 
gration  with  a  syringe,  for  General  McDowell16 
was  routed  at  Bull  Run.  Lincoln  had  now 
called  out  three  hundred  thousand  men,  and  a 
second  three  hundred  thousand,  who  came,  singing, 
"We're  coming,  Father  Abraham,  three  hundred 
thousand  more ! "  He  then  appointed  McClellan 1 7 
to  command,  and  that  general,  during  the  fall  and 
winter  of  1861-62,  organized  the  raw  levies  but 
refused  to  advance  against  the  enemy  at  Manassas, 
although,  it  turned  out  later,  only  wooden  cannon 
were  mounted  in  front  of  the  city  at  Munson's 
Hill.  In  March,  1862,  the  President  persuaded 
McClellan  to  advance,  and  the  general  moved 
(reluctantly,  for  he  claimed  he  never  had  troops 
enough)  towards  the  James  River.  At  this  stage, 
twenty  thousand  troops,  left  behind  to  defend 
Washington  City,  were  placed  under  command  of 
General  James  S.  Wadsworth, 2  Military  Governor, 
who  appointed  me,  as  successor  of  General  Andrew 
Porter,  Provost  Marshal  of  his  military  district, 
which  extended  from  the  Occoquan  to  Wicomico 
Bay,  and  who  gave  me  command  of  a  mixed  brigade 
of  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery,  and  a  corps  of 
detectives.  A  flotilla  on  the  Potomac,  under 
Commodore  Harwood,  also  reported  to  me. 


12          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

With  this  force,  I  was  expected  to  keep  order  in 
the    cities    of    Georgetown    and   Washington,    to 
prevent  blockade  running,  to  receive  and  keep 
for  exchange  all  prisoners  of  State  and  War,  to 
take  care  of  all  contrabands,  or  fugitive  negroes, 
to  control  passes  to  all  persons  or  goods  entering 
or  leaving  the  city,  to  supervise  all  invoices,  to 
regulate  all  sales  of  liquor  and  places  of  amusement, 
and  to  perform  many  other  duties,  two  of  which 
were  to  guard  the  person  of  the  President  and  to 
report  daily,  in  person,  to  Mr.  Stanton,  or  his 
assistant,  Peter  Watson,  at  the  War  Department, 
where  the  President  was  often  seen  reading  the 
telegrams  as    they  came   in  from  the   front,   or 
conferring  with  the  officers  about  him.    All  of  this 
routine  continued  until  March,  1863,  when  I  got 
leave  to  rejoin  my  regiment  of  cavalry  in  the  field. 
During  the  whole  of  this  year,  Lincoln,  while 
thoroughly  trusted  as  a  man  for  his  honesty  and 
sincerity,  was  not  satisfactory  as  a  leader.    When 
I  first  reached  Washington,  the  radicals  were  dis 
satisfied  with  him  because  he  refused  to  abolish 
slavery  and  was  determined  to  make  the  salvation 
of  the  Union  the  prime  object  in  the  war;  the 
conservatives  were  grumbling  because  he  did  not 
seem  to  measure  up  to  the  size  of  the  job  on  his 
hands;  and  the   country,  generally,  was  uneasy 
because  his  efforts,  so  far,  to  suppress  the  rebellion, 
had  been  a  costly  and  humiliating  failure.     In 
fact,  up  to  that  time,  the  main  fruits  of  the  war 
had  been  heaps  of  coffins  sent  home  by  express, 


Abraham  Lincoln  13 

containing  the  bodies  of  lads  who  had  died  of  camp 
fever,  without  having  heard  a  shot  fired,  or  having 
been  near  the  enemy.  This  dissatisfaction  rather 
increased  between  March,  1862,  and  March,  1863, 
for,  although  Grant  had  taken  Forts  Henry  and 
Donelson,  the  Monitor  had  sunk  the  Confederate 
Merrimac,  and  Farragut  had  captured  New  Orleans, 
yet,  McClellan  made  no  headway  toward  captur 
ing  Richmond.  Pope,18  his  successor,  was  badly 
beaten  at  the  second  Bull  Run,  because,  it  was 
claimed,  McClellan's  friends  did  not  support  him; 
McClellan,  on  being  reinstated, fought  at  Antietam, 
a  battle  which  was,  at  best,  a  draw;  Burnside  was 
repulsed  at  Fredericksburg,  the  army  again  went 
into  winter  quarters  at  Aquia  Creek,  no  nearer  to 
Richmond  than  two  years  before,  and  the  appoint 
ment  of  a  dictator  was  cautiously  discussed  at 
Washington  and  in  the  field.  At  Washington,  the 
name  of  General  Butler  was  hinted  at  in  that 
connection.  The  most  acrimonious  critic  of 
Lincoln's  Administration  at  this  time  was  Count 
Adam  Gurowski,  in  his  Diary  printed  at  Boston, 
in  1862. 

It  was  while  this  condition  of  affairs  lasted, 
when  the  popular  elections  were  going  against 
Lincoln,  and  General  Wadsworth  was  defeated  for 
Governor  of  New  York  by  Horatio  Seymour,  a 
Democrat,  that  I  saw  most  of  Lincoln,  sometimes 
on  horseback,  riding  down  Pennsylvania  Avenue, 
beside  his  son  Tad,  or  walking  to  Dr.  Gurley's 
Presbyterian  Church  on  New  York  Avenue,  or 


14          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

strolling  between  the  White  House  and  War 
Department,  where  he  would  stop  and  talk  with 
his  bodyguard  of  Illinois  Cavalry,  or,  yet  again 
at  receptions,  in  the  company  of  senators,  ladies, 
or  any  one  who  wanted  to  see  him,  for  he  wanted  to 
see  everybody,  to  keep  in  touch  with  the  people, 
and  to  take  what  he  called  his  "public-opinion 
baths."  Most  often  I  saw  him,  when  he  sent  for 
me  about  some  Provost  business.  The  impression 
he  made  on  me  I  give  for  what  it  may  be  worth. 

As  regards  his  appearance,  Lincoln  had  the 
reputation,  before  he  came  East,  of  being  a  homely 
man,  and,  speaking  generally,  it  may  be  said  he 
deserved  it.  His  features  were  not  regular,  his 
complexion  was  sallow,  his  hair  was  lank;  a  large 
wart  disfigured  his  right  cheek,  his  mouth  was 
somewhat  drawn  on  one  side,  and  his  big,  bony 
hands  and  feet  alone  would  have  deprived  him 
of  the  right  to  be  called  an  Adonis.  His  gestures 
were  awkward  and  clumsy,  and  he  appeared  to  go 
through  receptions  or  other  fashionable  functions 
like  a  martyr.  This  was  especially  noticeable 
when  Miss  Kate  Chase,  daughter  of  Secretary 
Chase,  afterwards  wife  of  General  Sprague  of 
Rhode  Island,  assisted,  as  she  often  did,  in  the  ab 
sence  of  Mrs.  Lincoln,  and  fascinated  every  one  by 
her  beauty  and  graceful  manners.  At  the  period 
of  which  I  speak  Lincoln  usually  looked  haggard 
and  tired,  an  expression  that,  however,  was 
readily  explained  by  the  state  of  the  Union  cause, 
which  was  then  at  its  lowest  ebb.  General  after 


Abraham  Lincoln  15 

general  had  been  tried  and  found  wanting,  advance 
after  advance  had  always  ended  in  retreats  within 
the  defenses  of  Washington;  the  Confederate 
sympathizers  were  hurrahing,  under  the  shadow  of 
the  Capitol,  at  the  discomfiture  of  him  whom  they 
were  pleased  to  call  the  "Jester,"  the  "Tyrant," 
and  the  "Buffoon,"  while  the  Union  men  at  the 
other  end  of  the  city  hung  their  heads  and  mut 
tered  about  "incapables,"  "imbeciles,"  and  "time 
for  a  dictator." 

On  horseback,  also,  Lincoln  made  a  poor  figure, 
riding  without  straps,  his  feet  turned  outward, 
and  his  arms  flapping  up  and  down  with  the  bridle. 
In  walking,  his  legs  seemed  to  drag  from  the  knees 
down,  like  those  of  a  laborer  going  home  after  a 
hard  day's  work. 

On  the  other  hand,  in  the  War  Department, 
when  he  was  standing  up  straight,  dressed  in  black, 
showing  his  full  six  feet  four  inches  in  height,  and 
was  reading  the  despatches  from  the  field  as  they 
were  handed  him  by  the  operator,  while  making 
his  comments  to  the  Secretary  or  principal  officers, 
his  calm  gigantic  bulk  looming  up  high  above 
Stanton,  Halleck,  and  McClellan  (all  short,  pursy 
men)  had  an  imposing  effect,  highly  becoming  in 
the  active  head  of  a  vast  army,  and  entitled  him 
to  be  called  a  man  of  comely  proportions. 

So  when  he  sat  quietly  on  a  big,  gray  horse  in 
the  field,  beside  General  Hooker,19  taking  off  his 
silk  hat,  and  bowing  to  the  squadrons  as  we 
marched  past  in  review,  at  Aquia  Creek,  before 


1 6          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

our  advance  to  Chancellorsville  in  April,  1863,  he 
was  as  proper  a  figure  as  one  would  care  to  see. 

Or  again,  when,  radiant  with  happiness,  he 
appeared  on  the  front  balcony  of  the  White  House, 
in  answer  to  the  call  of  a  crowd,  as  he  did  just 
after  his  return  from  Richmond  and  the  surrender 
of  Lee,  and  slowly  rolled  out  his  pithy  sentences, 
tinged  with  Western  humor,  he  seemed  to  me 
positively  handsome.  The  band  on  that  occasion 
had  played  Dixie,  and  he  told  us,  among  other 
things,  that  he  "  always  liked  that  tune,  and  liked 
it  better  now  than  ever,  for  we  had  captured  it, 
and  it  fairly  belonged  to  us."  I  do  not  know 
whether,  after  Richmond  fell,  Lincoln  felt  that  it 
was  time  to  take  off  his  old  clothes  and  spruce  up, 
but  he  certainly  did  look,  during  the  speech  I 
have  mentioned,  after  Lee's  surrender,  better 
dressed  and  groomed  than  I  had  ever  before 
seen  him. 

As  regards  his  moods,  it  was  said  at  the  time 
that  he  was  subject  to  long  fits  of  depression, 
almost  trance-like,  but  of  these  I  saw  nothing. 
In  business  he  was  bright,  kind,  careful  not  to 
wound  the  feelings  of  others,  and  surprisingly 
keen  and  sagacious. 

As  regards  his  oratory,  I  never  heard  him  make 
a  professional  or  political  speech,  and  therefore, 
except  from  reading  such,  I  cannot  judge  of  his 
ability  in  that  line.  When  I  did  hear  him,  he 
spoke  as  President  in  time  of  war,  and  as  one 
having  authority,  and  when  people  would  listen 


Abraham  Lincoln  17 

to  no  other  kind  of  talk.  Speaking  with  those 
advantages,  his  awkward  gestures  made  an  im 
pression  of  sincerity,  and  this,  coupled  with  clear 
ideas  conveyed  in  terse  phrases,  seemed  to  me  the 
highest  form  of  eloquence. 

In  conversation,  he  was  a  patient,  attentive 
listener,  rather  looking  for  the  opinion  of  others, 
than  hazarding  his  own,  and  trying  to  view  a 
matter  in  all  of  its  phases  before  coming  to  a 
conclusion.  On  ordinary  affairs,  his  conversation 
was  such  as  one  would  expect  from  a  Western 
lawyer  who  had  been  a  good  deal  in  politics,  full  of 
stories  drawn  from  his  experiences  as  farmer, 
flatboatman  on  the  Mississippi,  storekeeper,  and 
riding  the  circuits  when  practicing  law  in  Illinois. 
The  stories  certainly  were  often  racy,  but  they 
were  always  humorous  and  in  point.  Often,  one 
succeeded  the  other,  and  story- telling  became  the 
rage  at  the  Capitol.  And  many  a  story  was 
credited  to  him,  that  he  never  told.  My  good 
friend,  John  Hay,3  caught  it  from  his  Chief,  and 
soon  became,  next  to  Lincoln,  the  best  story-teller 
in  Washington.  It  was  at  the  same  time  that  the 
President  set  the  fashion  of  "feeling  the  public 
pulse, "  and  accepting  the  "logic  of  events. " 

When  conversation  took  a  wider  range,  he 
disclosed  a  mind  singularly  free  from  the  delusions 
of  vanity  which  turn  people's  heads  in  high  places, 
and  a  level  head,  incapable  of  fooling  itself,  or 
being  fooled  by  others. 

Measuring  himself  accurately,  he  knew  perfectly 


i8          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

that  he  was  no  polished  Southern  gentleman,  like 
Wade  Hampton,  for  example,  nor  cultivated 
Boston  scholar,  like  Charles  Sumner,  but  a  modest 
shoot  of  poor  whites  from  Kentucky,  who,  through 
the  reading  of  Shakespeare  and  the  Bible,  had 
become  a  writer  of  uncommonly  good  English, 
who  had,  by  hard  work,  reached  local  but  not 
national  prominence  at  the  bar,  and  who  had,  in 
politics,  been  lucky  enough  to  establish  in  the 
debate  with  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  on  the  slavery 
question,  that  reputation  which  led  to  his  nomina 
tion  by  the  Republican  party,  when  the  division 
of  Democracy,  split  into  three  fragments,  per 
mitted  his  election  as  President.  We  know  now 
that  he  was  probably  the  one  man  in  the  country 
able  to  save  it,  but  if  this  was  so,  he  seemed 
unconscious  of  it. 

As  regards  religion,  I  have  said  that  Lincoln 
attended  Dr.  Gurley's  Presbyterian  Church.  He 
was,  however,  not  a  church  member,  and  I  quote 
from  Mr.  Deming,  as  to  what  the  President  said 
to  him  on  that  subject  • 

I  have  never  united  myself  to  any  church,  because 
I  have  found  difficulty  in  giving  my  assent,  without 
mental  reservation,  to  a  long,  complicated  statement 
of  Christian  Doctrine,  which  characterizes  the  Articles 
of  Belief,  and  Confessions  of  Faith.  When  any  church 
shall  inscribe  on  its  altar,  as  its  sole  qualification  for 
membership,  the  Saviour's  condensed  statement  of 
the  substance  of  both  law  and  gospel,  "Thou  shalt 
love  the  Lord  thy  God,  with  all  thy  heart,  and  with 


Abraham  Lincoln  19 

all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind,  and  thy  neighbor 
as  thyself,"  that  church  will  I  join  with  all  my  heart 
and  all  my  soul. 

Measuring  the  office  of  President,  he  realized 
that  it  was  nothing  that  should  turn  the  head  of  a 
sensible  man — that  it  was  a  temporary  elevation 
to  be  followed  (even  if  it  extended  over  eight  years) 
by  an  old  age  of  eclipse  when  he  would  either  have 
to  live  on  his  savings  from  his  salary  or  scramble 
for  practice  again  among  his  younger  competitors 
at  Springfield.  This  humility  formed  a  refreshing 
contrast  with  the  haughty  pretensions  of  the  so- 
called  "first  families" — the  pompous  importance 
of  contractors,  and  the  supercilious  airs  put  on  by 
regulars,  the  naval  officers,  and  marines,  towards 
citizens  and  volunteers — a  spirit  that  crystallized 
itself  into  contempt  for  everything  not  West 
Point  or  McClellan,  and  never  ended  until  the 
court-martial  of  one  of  McClellan's  generals,  which, 
although  set  aside  later,  had  a  healthy  effect  at 
the  time.  Apropos  of  that,  the  lady  with  whom  the 
general  lodged  at  Washington  (a  red  Lee — General 
Lee  was  a  black  Lee)  told  me  the  general  never  real 
ized  his  sentence  until  a  silk  hat  he  had  ordered, 
after  his  dismissal,  came  to  the  house  with  a  card 
in  the  band  on  which  was  written,  before  his  name, 
"Mister." 

Measuring  people  around  him,  Lincoln  seemed  to 
know  thoroughly  what  was  valuable  about  them 
and  what  was  not.  Seward  might  be  over-confi- 


20          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

dent,  but  that  was  a  good  thing,  when  everybody 
else  had  the  blues.  Chase  might  be  ambitious,  but 
he  knew  how  to  raise  funds.  Stanton  might  be 
irritable  and  violent,  but  he  had  energy,  and 
unquestioned  loyalty.  The  judgment  of  Welles, 
if  slow,  was  sound.  McClellan  lacked  the  fighting 
instinct  and  might  be  no  match  for  Lee,  but  who 
was?  And  was  not  McClellan  the  idol  of  his  army? 
Greeley  might  be  erratic,  but  he  was  sincere. 

It  did  seem,  however,  that  he  was  sometimes 
imposed  on,  in  the  appointment  of  "political 
generals,"  as  they  were  called;  but  really  he  was 
not.  For  example,  a  gay  Irishman,  a  leading 
criminal  lawyer  from  New  York,  came  along  one 
day,  with  a  delegation  from  his  State,  to  be  ap 
pointed  a  brigadier.  He  had  never  seen  a  day's 
service  in  his  life,  and  to  the  surprise  of  every  one, 
got  a  commission.  He  then  invited  the  President's 
secretaries,  his  son  Bob,  Colonel,  later  Sir  John 
Puleston,5  with  myself,  to  a  dinner  at  Willard's, 
at  which  the  new  general  made  a  rollicking  speech 
to  the  effect  that  he  had  been  conscious  all  along 
that  the  country  needed  a  military  genius  com 
pared  with  whom  Napoleon  and  Caesar  were 
blockheads;  that  he  himself  was  that  "ganius"; 
that  his  friends  in  New  York  forbade  his  concealing 
himself  any  longer;  and  that  now  he  was  here  to 
whip  Lee  and  give  the  rebels  a  taste  of  what  the 
Field  Marshal  of  Tipperary  could  do,  when  he  made 
up  his  "moind,"  etc.  As  I  learned  afterwards, 
the  fact  was,  he  had  promised  Lincoln  to  raise  a 


Abraham  Lincoln  21 

brigade  of  Irishmen,  and  to  resign  as  soon  as  they 
were  mustered  in — all  of  which  he  did,  as  promised, 
and  then  retired.  Another  of  Lincoln's  appoint 
ments  caused  amusement.  The  colonel  of  a  New 
York  regiment,  a  man  of  wealth  and  related  to 
the  Astors,  but  of  no  military  value,  spent  all  the 
winter  of  1861-62  in  the  city,  while  his  regiment 
lay  in  the  woods  and  was  neglected.  His  indignant 
officers  sent  him  a  "Round  Robin,"  protesting, 
and  requesting  him  to  come  out,  drill,  and  attend 
to  them,  as  other  colonels  did.  He  made  no  reply. 
They  then  sent  a  petition  to  the  Secretary  of  War, 
asking  for  his  removal  or  resignation.  The  colonel 
got  it  and  made  no  answer,  but  quietly  went  to 
work  and  had  himself  appointed  brigadier-general 
by  the  President,  put  on  his  new  uniform,  drove 
to  his  camp,  and  had  the  regiment  assembled. 
He  then  mounted  a  cracker-box,  and  made  them 
the  following  address:  "Called,  by  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  to  a  higher  and  more  im 
portant  sphere  of  military  duty,  your  colonel 
commanding,  now  humbly  begs  to  take  leave  of 
you."  With  that  he  drew  back  his  overcoat, 
showed  his  star  and  yellow  sash,  and  drove  back 
to  town.  Soon  after,  he  resigned. 

Measuring  the  temper  of  the  North,  Lincoln 
recognized  that  he  represented  the  immense  mid 
dle  class  of  conservative  men,  who  were  neither 
abolitionists  nor  pro-slavery  men,  but  who  were 
firmly  resolved  that  the  Mississippi  River  must 
always  flow  through  one  Republic  from  its  source 


22          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

to  the  sea,  that  the  Union  was  older  than  the 
Constitution,  and  must  be  preserved,  at  any  cost 
of  men  or  money,  holding  on  to  slavery  or  giving 
it  up,  if  necessary,  but  never  giving  up  the  Union. 
He  was  sure  as  long  as  he  stuck  to  that,  the  country 
would  sustain  him,  and  it  did. 

In  minor  matters,  however,  the  people  were 
often  in  advance.  Lincoln,  with  his  conciliatory 
temper,  made  himself  believe  that,  if  the  politicians 
would  come  to  an  understanding,  the  war  would 
stop.  The  people,  North  and  South,  knew  it  had 
to  be  fought  out  to  a  finish.  Lincoln  underesti 
mated  the  strength  of  secession, — the  people  did 
not ;  Lincoln  found  it  hard  to  make  up  his  mind 
to  replace  McClellan, — the  people  made  up  their 
minds  on  that  subject,  long  before  the  general  was 
superseded.  I  notice  that  recent  historians  praise 
Lincoln's  policy  in  deferring  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation  two  years,  viz.,  to  January  i,  1863, 
instead  of  April,  1861,  when  Fort  Sumter  was 
fired  upon,  as  a  piece  of  superior  wisdom,  so  as  to 
hold  the  Border  States.  The  wisdom  of  that  must 
always  be  an  open  question.  I  am  sure  that  such 
was  not  the  impression  of  Lincoln's  surroundings 
at  that  time.  The  Border  States  were  considered 
of  little  weight,  whichever  side  they  went.  The 
real  reason  given  out  was,  that  Lincoln  was  a 
lawyer,  bound  by  decisions  and  precedents,  who 
had  taken  an  oath  to  obey  and  execute  the  laws; 
thus  to  expect  him,  at  once,  in  April,  1861,  in 
presence  of  Judge  Taney,  who  still  sat  as  Chief 


Abraham  Lincoln  23 

Justice  at  the  other  end  of  the  Capitol,  to  declare 
the  Dred  Scott  Decision25  bad  law,  as  well  as  to 
direct  the  United  States  Marshal  to  disobey  as 
null  and  void  the  warrants  for  the  return  of  fugi 
tives  issued  him  every  day,  at  the  instance  of 
Wise  and  Allen,  slave-catchers,  by  the  commis 
sioners  who  sat  in  the  City  Hall,  was  asking  too 
much.  The  respecter  of  law  and  decisions  had  to 
wait  until  the  abolition  of  slavery  and  disobedience 
to  law  were  forced  on  him  by  dire  necessity,  after 
all  other  means  had  been  tried  and  had  failed.22 
Lincoln  has  himself  given,  in  substance,  this  ex 
planation  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Hodges,  dated  April 
4,  1864.  As  regards  his  reluctance  to  remove 
McClellan  at  popular  newspaper  demand,  it 
should  be  remembered  that  the  President  had 
discovered  by  his  experience  with  the  "Onward  to 
Richmond"  cry,  and  the  Bull  Run  disaster,  that 
editors  are  not  always  the  safest  leaders  to  follow 
in  war.  None  knew  better  than  he,  the  hold 
McClellan  had  on  the  affection  and  confidence  of 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
This  was  proven  later  on,  when  Hooker  having 
been  removed,  on  the  march  to  Gettysburg,  a 
rumor  circulated  in  the  army  that  "Little  Mac" 
was  again  at  their  head;  the  news  was  received 
with  "hurrahs, "  but  when  it  was  found  that  Meade 
was  the  man,  there  was  no  enthusiasm  at  alt. 
So  Lincoln  let  McClellan  go  on,  until  he  became 
openly  insubordinate,  and  patience  had  ceased  to 
be  a  virtue. 


24          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

In  my  daily  inspections  of  the  guards  at  the 
hospitals  at  Washington,  I  often  met  the  President, 
quietly  going  through  the  wards,  giving  a  kind 
word  to  one,  and  a  cheerful  message  to  another, 
and  it  was  impossible  not  to  be  convinced  that 
the  sufferings  and  tragedies  of  this  great  struggle 
touched  a  tender  chord  in  his  nature,  and  that  he 
felt  deeply  the  crippling  and  slaughter  of  so  many 
fine  young  men,  the  diseases,  bereavements, 
funerals,  and  mourning  on  both  sides,  very  much  as 
an  affectionate  father  would  feel  that  in  his  own 
family.  For  relief,  he  would  turn  to  the  comic 
side  of  affairs,  and  amuse  himself  reading  the 
letters  from  the  "  Confederit  X  Roads, "  the  squibs 
of  Artemus  Ward  and  Orpheus  C.  Kerr,  the  ex 
travagant  praise  of  himself  in  some  of  the  Republi 
can  journals,  and  caricatures  and  denunciations  of 
himself  in  the  hostile  press.  Especially,  do  I 
remember  his  laughing  at  a  parody  of  the  Episcopal 
Church  service,  which  appeared  in  Vanity  Fair, 
in  which  his  name  was  invoked  as  the  Lord's, 
especially  the  line,  "The  noble  army  of  contractors, 
praise  Him!" 

How  little  he  cared  for  ostentation  is  shown  by 
an  .incident  relating  to  his  bodyguard.  For  the 
protection  of  his  life,  it  was  thought  necessary  to 
detail  a  company  of  cavalry  to  escort  him  daily 
from  the  White  House  to  the  Soldiers'  Home,  where 
he  lived.  The  orders  from  the  War  Department 
to  the  Captain  were  to  keep  up  with  Lincoln. 
But  Lincoln  was  not  going  to  be  driven  in  state 


Abraham  Lincoln  25 

like  a  European  monarch,  and  no  sooner  was  he 
inside  his  carriage  than  he  ordered  his  driver  to 
put  the  horses  to  the  top  of  their  speed  and  get 
away  from  the  bodyguard,  or  "Janissaries,"  as 
the  Confederate  ladies  of  Washington  were  pleased 
to  call  them.  In  this  way  he  managed  to  leave  his 
escort  way  in  the  rear. 

The  point  of  view  from  which  I  saw  the  Presi 
dent  most  frequently  was,  when  he  was  applied 
to  as  the  last  resort  by  people  complaining  of  the 
rigors  of  military  administration  at  the  Capitol. 
At  such  times  I  would  be  summoned  to  appear,  or 
appeared  on  my  own  hook.  I  will  give  you  two 
instances,  involving  two  of  his  biographers — Ward 
Lamon,  U.  S.  Marshal,  and  Mr.  Arnold,  member 
of  Congress  from  Illinois. 

On  one  occasion,  Major  (later  General)  Buford 
of  the  Regulars,  boarding  at  the  "Kirkwood 
House,"  made  written  and  sworn  complaint  of  a 
certain  Western  doctor,  who  had  been  dismissed 
from  our  army  for  immoral  practices,  charging 
that  he  was  staying  at  the  same  hotel,  wearing  a 
major's  uniform,  and  still  carrying  on  those 
practices  to  the  disgrace  of  the  service.  The 
matter  was  investigated,  found  true,  and  the 
guard  ordered  to  arrest  him,  cut  off  his  army 
buttons,  and  discharge  him,  which  was  done. 

Soon  Mr.  Arnold  (the  biographer  and  Congress 
man  I  have  named)  appeared  at  my  office  and 
demanded  in  a  haughty  tone  to  be  shown  the 
documents  on  which  this  outrage  had  been  com- 


26          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

mitted  on  his  friend,  the  Doctor,  who  was  also  a 
friend  of  Lincoln's.  Mr.  Arnold  was  told  that  we 
had  positive  orders  to  show  documents  to  no  one 
except  the  Secretary  of  War  or  the  President. 
This  angered  him,  and  he  threatened  to  show  me 
what  it  meant  to  offend  the  President,  and  went 
away.  Soon  there  arrived  an  orderly  with  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Arnold  to  Lincoln,  stating  the  circum 
stances,  and  demanding  redress  for  the  outrage 
on  himself  as  well  as  on  Dr.  X.,  their  mutual 
friend.  On  the  back  of  this  was  endorsed:  "Will 
the  Marshal  kindly  bring  the  documents  to  my 
office?  A.  Lincoln."  Of  course,  I  brought  them. 
The  President  examined  them  and  said:  "So  you 
ordered  the  Doctor's  buttons  cut  off?  I  am  sorry 
I  cannot  approve  this  sentence,"  whereupon  he 
indicated  that  it  should  have  been  more  severe, 
and,  laughing,  returned  to  me  the  papers. 

On  another  occasion  information  was  brought 
that  a  negro  woman  named  Rachel  Sutherland, 
who  had  come  into  our  lines,  at  Fairfax  Court 
House,  with  a  "military  protection"  from  the 
General  at  the  front,  a  paper  which  entitled  her 
to  our  protection  at  the  "Contraband  Camp" 
(usually  2500  in  number)  until  she  could  be  sent 
North,  had,  while  a  cook  at  Harewood  hospital, 
been  kidnapped  by  Washington  slave-catchers, 
was  being  held  under  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  by 
United  States  Marshal  Lamon,  and  under  a 
warrant  from  the  commissioners  was  in  Washing 
ton  jail  awaiting  return  to  her  master.  On  inves- 


Abraham  Lincoln  27 

tigation,  this  was  found  to  be  correct,  and  I 
requested  Lamon  to  give  her  up  to  me.  He  refused 
and  pointed  to  his  warrant.  I  took  a  company  of 
infantry  to  the  jail,  and  threatened  to  break  down 
the  door.  Lamon  then  called  for  a  posse  comitatis, 
but  no  one  responded.  Senator  McDougal,  of 
California,  then  appeared  and  made  a  speech  on 
the  Constitution,  and  cited  the  Dred  Scott  Deci 
sion  of  Judge  Taney.  I  offered  to  refer  the  matter 
to  the  Military  Governor,  which  did  not  suit 
Lamon.  He  offered  to  submit  it  to  the  Supreme 
Court,  which  did  not  suit  me.  Finally,  we  agreed 
that  I  should  leave  my  company  of  infantry  at  the 
jail,  and  that  we  should  go  together  to  Lincoln, 
and  let  him  decide.  He  heard  both  sides  and 
declined  to  interfere,  but  "  guessed  that  if  I  wanted 
to  take  the  woman,  Lamon  could  not  prevent  it." 
Lamon  saw  the  force  of  that  and  gave  her  up.  I 
returned  her  to  Harewood. 

Lincoln,  it  seemed  to  me,  thought  as  a  lawyer 
who  had  a  strong  leaning  towards  the  equitable 
side  of  every  case  and  who  was  ever  ready  to 
temper  justice  with  mercy.  In  fact,  that  he  would 
have  made  an  excellent  chancellor. 

On  one  occasion,  I  was  in  the  War  Office  when  a 
judge  of  the  courts  of  an  interior  county  of  Pennsyl 
vania  came  in  with  his  son,  a  colonel  of  volunteers, 
to  ask  for  an  extension  of  sick  leave,  which  Dr. 
Clymer,  the  examining  surgeon,  had  refused.  The 
judge  and  the  son  earnestly  assured  Mr.  Stanton 
that  the  son  was  unfit  for  the  field,  and  the  latter 


28          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

offered  to  resign  rather  than  go  to  the  front.  Mr. 
Stanton  insisted  the  son  was  shamming,  pushed 
him  to  the  door,  and  said:  "To  your  regiment,  sir, 
or  I  shall  dismiss  you."  The  judge  drew  himself 
up  and  said:  "Sir,  he  shall  not  go  to  the  front, 
but  he  shall  go  with  me  to  your  superior,  the 
President,  who,  I  know,  will  treat  him  and  me  with 
decency. "  They  went  to  the  President,  who  heard 
them  patiently,  and  then  extended  the  leave,  on 
expiration  of  which,  the  colonel  went  to  the  front. 

On  another  occasion,  an  Irishman,  who  kept  a 
whisky  mill  on  Capitol  Hill,  which  was  torn  out 
by  the  guard  because  of  his  repeated  sales  (then 
forbidden)  of  liquor  to  soldiers,  came  to  me  in  a 
towering  rage  and  demanded  his  liquor  back.  I 
refused  it.  He  then  went  to  the  War  Office,  which 
called  for  my  report,  and  was  again  refused. 
Shortly  after,  he  came  with  an  order  from  the 
President  to  me,  to  give  him  back  the  confiscated 
stock.  I  did  so,  but  was  curious  to  know  how  he 
had  managed  it.  " Och, "  said  he,  "he  axed  me  to 
set  down  and  tell  me  sthory,  and  I  showed  him  me 
papers.  Then,  says  he,  'Mr.  McCarthy,  kin 
you  vote?'  'Yis,  yer  Honor,'  says  I,  'and  its 
meself  as  voted  for  you  for  President  in  New  York, 
but  de'ill  a  bit  will  I  vote  for  you  agin,  if  you  don't 
give  me  backh  my  whisky.'  Then,  Sur,  he  gave 
me  the  ordher." 

I  have  said  Lincoln  made  a  poor  figure  on  horse 
back.  One  day,  Major  Biddle,  in  charge  of  the 
mounted  patrol,  riding  up  Pennsylvania  Avenue, 


Abraham  Lincoln  29 

met  two  officers  with  a  civilian  between  them,  all 
mounted,  and,  as  was  his  duty,  asked  for  their 
passes.  The  party  rode  on,  taking  no  notice  of 
Biddle.  "Show  your  passes,"  cried  Biddle,  "or 
I'll  arrest  you. "  The  party  halted  and  the  civilian 
said:  "It's  all  right,  Lieutenant;  these  officers  are 
going  with  me  across  the  river."  "And  who  the 
deuce  may  you  be?"  said  Biddle.  "Oh,  I  am  Mr. 
Lincoln,  the  President  of  the  United  States." 
Biddle  bowed  in  disgust,  and  explained  to  me  he 
had  taken  Lincoln  for  a  Maryland  farmer. 

During  my  time,  there  were  no  substantial 
proofs  of  plots  against  the  person  of  Lincoln.  One 
day,  a  person  appeared  before  him  to  give  him 
advice  about  the  proper  conduct  of  the  war.  He 
called  himself  "  Major-General  of  the  Anti- 
Renters,"  and  stated  that  he  had  been  imprisoned 
at  Richmond  in  "Castle  Thunder"  and  had  on  his 
person  vast  schemes  of  strategy.  He  was  released 
on  the  ground  of  insanity. 

On  another  occasion,  I  received  a  letter  mailed 
in  Ohio,  stating  that  the  intended  assassin  of 
Lincoln,  on  his  first  trip  to  Washington,  was  living 
in  a  certain  town  in  Ohio,  and  offering,  on  certain 
conditions,  to  reveal  him.  Major  Allen,  head  of 
my  detective  bureau,  then  told  me  that  Pinkerton 
had  discovered  the  plot  at  Baltimore  and  had 
warned  the  President  of  it,  at  the  Continental 
Hotel,  Philadelphia.  I  returned  the  letter  and 
heard  no  more  of  it. 

An  Englishman  was  once  arrested  and  confined 


30          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

on  strong  charges  of  having  swindled  soldiers 
out  of  their  pay.  His  case  was  taken  up  before 
the  President,  by  Mr.  Odell,  Congressman  from 
New  York.  Lincoln  saw  the  documents,  handed 
them  back  to  me,  and  refused  to  interfere. 

In  this  war,  as  in  other  civil  wars,  many  things 
which  were  not  according  to  law,  in  time  of  peace, 
were  forced  by  necessity,  in  particular  the  arrest 
and  imprisonment  of  citizens  in  the  Old  Capitol 
and  Carrol  prisons,  without  hearing  or  trial,  and 
the  summary  dismissal  of  officers  in  our  army, 
without  court-martial.  Lincoln,  however,  was  too 
shrewd  to  direct  these  arrests  and  dismissals  him 
self,  and  left  the  odium  of  them  to  be  shouldered 
by  Secretary  Seward,  Secretary  Stan  ton,  the 
Military  Governor,  and  General  Halleck,7  and  I 
cannot  now  recall,  in  my  time,  one  instance  in 
which  he  appeared  as  the  author,  although  these 
arbitrary  arrests  were  charged  up  against  him 
when  he  ran  for  President  a  second  time.6  A 
most  interesting  chapter  might  be  written  about 
these  prisoners,  including  high  officers  in  the  Union 
Army,  spies,  editors,  Confederates,  and  many 
others,  among  them  Mrs.  Rose  Greenhough  and 
daughter,  Mrs.  Morris,  Mrs.  Bagsley,  Belle  Boyd, 
Miss  Dietz,  and  others, — and  possibly  it  will  be, 
when  the  "Old  Capitol"  gives  up  its  secrets.  On 
that  subject  it  is  enough  to  say  now,  in  passing, 
that  the  Southern  ladies,  bred  under  the  slave 
regime,  had  a  peculiarly  fascinating  and  seductive 
power  over  men,  which,  when  they  came  to  exercise 


Abraham  Lincoln  31 

it  on  wavering  Union  officers,  was  found  by  some 
of  these  impossible  to  resist.  But  that  is  another 
story. 

Lincoln  was  seldom  without  one  or  the  other  of 
his  two  secretaries — Hay  and  Nicolay — two  law 
students  of  his  at  Springfield,  whom  he  had 
brought  with  him.  Nicolay  was  chief  and  Hay 
assistant.  Mr.  Hay  was  a  graduate  of  Brown 
University,  genial,  bright,  and  witty.  Mr.  Nicolay, 
a  Bavarian,  who  had  come  to  America  at  the  age 
of  four,  grave,  and  valued  for  his  fidelity.  He  had 
been  successively  printer,  editor,  schoolmaster, 
and  finally,  law  student.  Shortly  before  Lincoln's 
death,  he  had  appointed  Major  Hay  (so  called 
because  he  got  major's  pay  and  was  detailed  as 
aide-de-camp)  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Madrid, 
and  Nicolay,  Consul-General  at  Paris.  They  were 
both  in  great  distress  lest  they  should  not  be 
confirmed,  but  the  Senate  hastened  to  perform 
that  graceful  act.  Lincoln's  son  Robert4  was 
then  a  student  at  Harvard,  and  much  in  the 
secretaries'  company  during  vacations.  He  af 
fected  the  English  style,  but  was  esteemed  a 
very  clever  fellow,  and  joined  us  at  the  Metropoli 
tan  Club,  our  headquarters.  The  rest  of  us  met 
at  Philp's,  a  stationer,  of  the  firm  of  Philp  & 
Solomon,  who  received  his  gentlemen  friends 
every  Sunday  evening,  and  where  affairs  of  State 
were  discussed.  The  two  secretaries  were  much 
courted  for  their  supposed  influence,  but  I  do  not 
remember  any  one  who  could  boast  of  having 


32          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

obtained  any  favor  through  them.  Their  Chief 
made  up  his  own  mind.  At  these  reunions,  Mr. 
Hay  was  generally  called,  in  sport,  the  "Niagara 
Commissioner. " 

Of  Mrs.  Lincoln  I  saw  very  little.  There  were 
rumors  at  the  time  that  she  was,  through  family 
connections,  a  Secessionist,  but  I  strongly  doubt 
the  truth  of  this.  There  was,  in  my  time,  a  Todd, 
a  relative  of  hers,  a  Confederate  prisoner  of  the 
Old  Capitol,  but  he  did  not  try  to  avail  himself  of 
his  relationship,  and  I  am  sure  it  would  have  done 
him  no  good  if  he  had. 

As  regards  the  threat  of  a  dictatorship  I  have 
mentioned,  Lincoln  knew  perfectly  well  that  if 
there  was  one  thing  the  American  people  were 
afraid  would  happen,  if  the  Union  were  broken  up, 
it  was,  that  the  United  States  would  have  a  succes 
sion  of  South  American  dictatorships,  and  that 
any  one  who  tried  it  would  fail.  Hence  he  wrote 
as  he  did,  to  General  Joe  Hooker  when  he  put 
him  in  command,  after  Burnside  was  relieved: 

I  have  heard  in  such  a  way  as  to  believe  it,  of  your 
recently  saying  that  both  the  army  and  the  govern 
ment  needed  a  dictatorship.  Of  course,  it  was  not  for 
this,  but  in  spite  of  it,  that  I  have  given  you  the  com 
mand.  Only  those  generals  who  gain  successes  can 
set  up  dictators.  What  I  ask  of  you  is  military  success 
and  I  will  risk  the  dictatorship. 

Hooker  failed  to  supply  the  military  successes 
asked  of  him,  but  on  July  3  and  4,  1863,  Meade8 


Abraham  Lincoln  33 

at  Gettysburg  and  Grant10  at  Vicksburg  did 
furnish  them  to  such  a  degree,  that  every  one 
could  see  the  back  of  the  rebellion  was  broken,  and 
that,  with  the  sympathy  our  cause  gained  in 
Europe  by  freeing  the  slaves,  the  road  to  victory, 
while  still  long,  was  comparatively  easy ;  and  it  was 
so  found  when  traveled  on  land  by  Generals 
Thomas,11  Logan,  Sherman,12  and  Sheridan13  and 
by  Admirals  Foote,  Farragut,  and  Winslow,  at  sea. 
Of  course,  Lincoln  not  only  regained  his  lost 
popularity,  but  was  more  popular  than  ever,  as  he 
had  reckoned,  so  that  when  the  Republican  Con 
vention  met  in  June,  1864,  he  was  renominated, 
was  reelected  by  two  hundred  and  twelve  electoral 
votes  against  McClellan's  twenty-one,  and  was 
re-inaugurated  March  4,  1865. 
He  at  that  time  said: 

With  malice  towards  none,  charity  for  all,  with  firm 
ness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let 
us  strive  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the 
nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne 
the  battle,  and  for  his  widow  and  orphan,  to  do  all 
which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and  lasting 
peace  among  ourselves  and  with  all  nations. 

This  was  said  March  4,  1865.  About  a  month 
later,  April  9,  1865,  Lee  surrendered;  the  Stars 
and  Bars  came  down;  the  gray  uniform  was  dis 
carded;  the  sham  Confederacy  was  obliterated; 
the  Government  regained  possession  of  all  its  terri 
tory,  and  the  Union  restored  without  a  slave  in  it. 

3 


34          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

It  would  be  a  great  error,  however,  from  what  is 
said  in  praise  of  Lincoln,  to  infer  that  all  this  was 
due  to  his  wisdom,  and  I  should  not  like  to  be 
understood  as  so  believing.    As  he  puts  it  himself 
his  generals  in  the  field,  and,  of  course,  his  naval 
officers,  had  to  succeed,  before  he  could  succeed, 
and  hence,  rightly  considered,  he  owed  his  own 
success  largely  to  them.    But  neither  Lincoln  nor 
his   officers   could   have   succeeded   without   the 
efforts  of  one  man  in  Washington,  who,  without 
parade,    speeches,  or  applause,  raised,  equipped, 
and  supplied  the  army  which,  at  last,  included  a 
million  men,  and  pressed  it  forward  with  untiring 
energy  towards  the  destruction  of  the  Richmond 
government.       He    cared   mighty   little   for   the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  or  the  negro,  but 
he   was   bound   to   extinguish   Jefferson    Davis's 
arrogant   pretensions   to   authority,   and   did  so, 
effectually.    That  person  was  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
of    Ohio,    the    "inexorable    Danton,"    as    Mrs. 
Morris  called  him.    And  neither  Lincoln  nor  his 
officers,    nor    Stanton,    nor    Gideon    Welles,    nor 
Salmon    P.    Chase,    nor    W.    H.    Seward,    taken 
separately    or    together,    could    have    succeeded, 
without  twenty  millions  of  patriotic  people  behind 
them,  determined  to  cut  up  slavery  and  disunion 
by  the  roots,   and  to  furnish  all  the  men  and 
money  needed  to  do  it. 

Nevertheless,  rich  as  the  North  was  in  men  and 
money,  as  compared  with  the  South,  it  is,  in  my 
opinion,  unlikely  the  North  could  have  overcome 


Abraham  Lincoln  35 

that  brave  and  determined  people,  had  it  not 
turned  out  that  the  person  selected  as  Chief 
Magistrate  in  the  North  happened  to  disclose, 
as  the  war  came  on,  that  he  was  supplied  with  an 
extraordinary  stock  of  common  sense,  good  nature, 
and  trust  in  the  everlasting  justice  of  God,  and 
was  thereby  admirably  fitted  to  lead  a  host  of 
freemen  in  a  furious,  armed  struggle  for  greater 
freedom,  and  was,  also,  able  to  see  clearly,  at  a 
time  when  machine  politicians  and  scientific 
generals  were  groping  about,  bewildered,  in  the 
dark.  That  he  had  these  talents,  however,  is  not 
due  to  the  foresight  of  the  people  of  the  North 
when  they  selected  him  for  the  first  time,  for  they 
did  not  know  it,  and  he  could  not  know  it  himself, 
for  his  experience  had  only  been  on  the  platform, 
or  at  the  bar,  and  not  in  saving  Unions  or  suppress 
ing  rebellions.  That  must  be  ascribed  to  Provi 
dence  or  good  fortune,  favoring  the  North. 

Neither  is  it  any  demerit  in  Lincoln  that  he  was 
forced,  through  the  breaking  out  of  the  war, 
during  his  term,  to  show  how  great  these  talents 
were,  by  playing  as  captain  in  a  game,  at  which 
the  whole  world  was  looking,  and  watching  the 
skill  of  the  players.  That  was  his  good  fortune. 

On  April  I4th,  or  five  days  later,  a  half -crazy 
actor,  anxious  to  draw  public  attention  to  him 
self,  shot  Lincoln  in  his  box  at  Ford's  Theater, 
where  he  was  sitting  with  his  wife,  Lieutenant 
Rathbone  of  the  regular  army,  and  Miss  Harris, 
daughter  of  United  States  Senator  Ira  Harris  from 


36          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

New  York,  to  whom  Rathbone  was  engaged  to 
be  married,  the  murderer  pretending  that  he  was 
killing  a  tyrant.  Every  sane  man  in  the  country, 
North  or  South,  knew  that  Lincoln,  the  most 
amiable  and  indulgent  of  men,  was  everything 
that  a  tyrant  is  not,  and  that  if  Booth  was  aiming 
at  tyrants,  he  shot  the  wrong  man.  I  do  not  say 
there  were  no  officers  then  at  Washington  who 
did  use  their  powers  tyrannically.  Who  they  were, 
and  what  their  tyrannical  acts  were  is,  however, 
again,  another  story.  Next  morning,  April 
1 5th,  Lincoln  died,  and  about  nine  o'clock  I  saw  his 
body  conveyed  from  the  house  in  which  he  died  to 
the  White  House.  I  was  standing  at  the  corner  of 
1 5th  Street  and  Pennsylvania  Avenue,  near  my 
law  office,  and  saw  the  hearse  pass  with  a  white 
sheet  and  flag  thrown  over  the  body.  And  never 
before  or  since  have  I  heard  a  crowd  as  that  was, 
composed  mostly  of  negroes,  men  and  women, 
utter  so  loud  and  piercing  a  wail,  as  these  mourners 
uttered,  when  the  body  passed  close  to  them.  It 
seemed  as  if  the  whole  world  had  lost  a  dear, 
personal  friend,  whose  loss  was  not  to  be  repaired. 
And  the  succeeding  years  showed  it  never  was 
repaired,  for  the  Confederates  or  emancipated 
slaves. 

The  funeral  cortege  then  proceeded  to  Oak 
Ridge  Cemetery  near  Springfield,  Illinois,  where  he 
lies  buried. 

Immediately  after  his  death  began  to  arise  a 
vast  mass  of  literature  about  him,  in  prose  and 


Abraham  Lincoln  37 

poetry,  by  close  friends  and  by  others  who  had 
never  seen  him,  and  that  mass  is  still  growing. 
Almost  anything  in  Lincoln's  name  seemed  to  find 
a  ready  sale — and  now  our  children  recite  the 
Gettysburg  speech  beginning — "Four  score  and 
seven  years  ago,  our  fathers  brought  forth  on  this 
continent,  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  liberty,  and 
dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are 
created  equal,"  and  Whitman's  ode  beginning, 
11 0  Captain,  My  Captain,  our  fearful  trip  is  done, " 
and  Lincoln's  favorite  poem  beginning,  "Oh, 
why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud?"  In 
this  literature,  naturally,  the  work  of  his  secre 
taries  (a  work  of  affection)  holds  first  rank. 
During  its  progress,  it  was  my  privilege  to  be  in 
correspondence  with  Mr.  Hay  and  from  him  I  got 
some  facts  not  in  the  work.  He  says,  while 
describing  the  murder  of  his  Chief,  that  every  one 
in  the  box  came  to  a  tragic  end.  I  knew,  of  course, 
that  Mrs.  Lincoln  died  insane,  but  I  had  never 
heard  that  Lieutenant  Rathbone,  or  his  intended, 
ever  came  to  a  tragic  end,  and  as  I  knew  Rath- 
bone,  intimately,  and  often  heard  him  tell  what 
happened,  in  fact,  took  him  driving  while  his  arm 
was  in  bandages  from  the  cut  Booth  gave  him,  I 
wrote  to  Mr.  Hay  for  an  explanation.  He  then 
wrote  that  Rathbone,  after  he  had  married  Miss 
Harris  and  had  children,  went  with  them  to  Han 
over,  Germany,  to  educate  them,  that  while  there, 
he  became  insane  and  attempted  to  kill  his  whole 
family ;  that  he  did  kill  his  wife,  but  not  his  chil- 


38          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

dren,  and  that  he  was  then  living  in  a  lunatic 
asylum  in  Germany. 

To  Lincoln  the  tragedy  was — that  he  did  not 
live  to  see  how  grateful  the  people  were  for  what 
he  had  done,  and  that  he  missed  the  chance  of 
enjoying  the  Union  he  had  restored,  and  of  watch 
ing  the  immense  impulse  the  removal  of  slavery 
has  given  his  country,  especially  the  States  that 
had  been  in  rebellion.  It  is  also  to  be  regretted 
that  Lincoln  did  not  live  to  see  ratified  and 
adopted  by  the  necessary  number  of  States,  the 
resolution  proposed  by  Congress  to  the  Senate, 
January  31,  1865,  abolishing  slavery  or  involun 
tary  servitude  in  the  United  States  or  any  place 
within  their  jurisdiction,  the  thirteenth  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution,  as  it  was  adopted  about 
eight  months  after  his  death,  on  December  18, 
1865. 

I  hardly  think  any  friend  of  his  need  deplore  his 
not  being  compelled  (as  he  would  have  been,  had 
he  lived  through  his  second  term)  to  wrestle  with 
the  problem  of  reconstruction,  which  proved 
unfortunate  for  his  successor,  Andrew  Johnson; 
for,  had  he  done  so,  he  might  easily  have  left  office 
in  1869,  with  a  reputation  somewhat  blemished, 
which,  at  the  age  of  sixty,  would  not  have  been 
easy  to  restore.  It  was  not  to  be  so.  The  shot 
fired  at  Ford's  Theater  struck  him  when  the  sun 
of  his  glory  was  at  its  full  meridian  height,  and  it 
has  stayed  there,  never  waning  but  growing  in 
splendor,  so  that  at  the  end  of  forty-four  years,  it 


Abraham  Lincoln  39 

shines  brighter  than  on  the  day  he  died,  and 
promises  to  shine  brighter  still,  as  our  Southern 
friends  realize,  more  and  more,  that  their  "lost 
cause"  was  lost,  not  from  lack  of  courage  or  skill, 
or  because  the  gentle  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
against  them,  but  because  God,  nature,  and  the 
moral  sense  of  the  nineteenth  century  were  against 
them,  in  their  efforts  to  preserve  slavery;  that 
whoever  contributed  to  deliver  them  from  it 
was  their  benefactor,  and  the  greatest  of  them— 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

Let  us  then  be  thankful  that  Lincoln  had,  at 
least,  five  days  intervening  between  April  9  and 
14,  1865,  in  which  to  rejoice  that  the  prophetic 
words  uttered  by  Webster  in  1830,  "Liberty  and 
Union,  now  and  forever,  one  and  inseparable, "  had 
come  true,  that  it  was  hereafter  out  of  the  power 
of  a  minority,  disappointed  at  the  result  of  an 
election,  to  defeat  it  by  resorting  to  force  and 
fraud,  that  this  whole  country  was  now  free  to 
every  one,  regardless  of  color,  "to  enjoy  life, 
liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,"  and  that 
"government  of  the  people,  for  the  people, 
and  by  the  people,"  had  not  "perished  from  the 
earth."  In  brief — that  his  work  was  done  and 
well  done. 

After  Lincoln's  death,  there  ensued  a  memorable 
trial  of  the  men  and  the  one  woman  charged  with 
helping  the  murderer  to  accomplish  his  crime. 
In  that  trial,  I  had  some  part.  When  an  account 
of  that  trial  is  written  fairly,  if  it  ever  is,  it  will 


40          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

furnish  an  instructive  addition  to  our  judicial 
history.  For  the  purpose  of  this  address,  it  is 
out  of  place.21 

And  now,  the  leap  from  an  obscure  attorney's 
office  to  second  place  in  the  Hall  of  Fame  is  no 
longer  a  mystery.  The  lawyer,  whose  progress  I 
have  faintly  sketched,  had  extraordinary  gifts  for 
leading  in  a  great  social  revolution.  By  his  gifts 
in  debate,  he  overcame  the  arguments  of  the  most 
astute  advocate  of  slavery.  By  his  gifts  in  public 
speaking  he  surpassed  in  permanent  value  the 
speeches  of  the  most  polished  orators  of  his  day. 
By  his  gifts  in  the  realm  of  politics  and  war,  he 
guided  the  commanders  in  the  field,  and  kept  at 
bay  a  hostile  party  in  his  rear.  By  his  gift  for 
seeing  intuitively  what  the  people  wanted,  he 
kept  them  with  him,  and  secured  their  affection 
by  his  humor,  tenderness,  patience,  mercy,  and 
trust  in  the  justice  of  Almighty  God.  He  used  all 
these  gifts  so  as  to  give  his  country  "a  new  birth 
of  freedom, "  and,  just  as  freedom  was  born  anew, 
died  for  its  sake. 

And  so  this  big-hearted  son  of  Kentucky  passed 
into  history  as  the  most  commanding  and  pathetic 
figure  of  a  great  national  epoch,  admired  for  a 
life  that  was  blameless,  esteemed  for  services  that 
are  invaluable,  and  pitied  for  a  fate  that  was 
unjust  and  cruel,  and  what  Stan  ton  said  at  the 
bedside  of  his  beloved  master,  as  he  ceased  to 
breathe,  has  come  true,  "And  now  he  belongs  to 
the  ages." 


Abraham  Lincoln  41 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  I 

1  Samuel  Lincoln,  of  Norwich,  England,  settled  in  Hingham, 
Mass.,  and  had  a  son,  Mordecai,  whose  son,  also  named  Mordecai, 
moved  to  Monmouth,  N.  J.,  later  to  Berks  County,  Pa.,  where  he 
died  in  1735.  His  son  John  settled  in  Virginia  and  had  a  son 
named  Abraham,  who  settled  in  Kentucky  in  1780.  His  son 
Thomas  married  Nancy  Hanks;  and  for  his  second  son  had 
Abraham,  bora  in  Kentucky,  February  12,  1809.  Thomas  the 
father,  moved  to  Indiana  in  1816,  and  in  1830  to  Macon  County, 
Illinois,  later  moved  to  Coles  County,  Illinois,  where  he  died  at 
the  age  of  73.  Abraham,  at  the  age  of  19,  took  farm  products  to 
New  Orleans,  and  helped  his  father  making  fences  and  splitting 
rails.  He  hired  to  a  man  named  Offut,  and  for  him  ran  a  flat- 
boat  on  the  Mississippi  to  New  Orleans.  He  then  learned  to 
read,  and  studied  surveying. 

From  April  21,  1832,  to  June  i6th,  same  year,  was  private  and 
captain  in  a  company  of  volunteers  in  Black  Hawk  War.  Ran 
for  the  Legislature  and  defeated.  Began  to  keep  store,  but  failed. 
Then  studied  law,  was  postmaster  at  New  Salem  from  1833  for 
three  years,  and  served  as  Deputy  County  Surveyor.  From  1834 
to  1840,  member  of  Legislature;  1837,  opened  law  office  at  Spring 
field,  111. ;  1842,  married  Mary  Todd;  1846,  elected  to  Congress  and 
applied  to  be  Commissioner  of  Land  Office  but  failed  to  get  it. 
Was  offered  the  governorship  of  Oregon  but  declined  it;  1855, 
became  leader  of  Republican  party  of  Illinois;  1858,  chosen  to 
debate  with  Douglas  and  was  defeated  for  U.  S.  Senate;  1860, 
nominated  by  Republican  party  at  Chicago  for  Presidency  over 
W.  H.  Seward;  1860,  November  6th,  received  180  electoral  votes 
to  92  for  Breckenridge,  39  for  Bell  and  Everett,  and  12  for  Doug 
las;  1861,  March  4th,  inaugurated;  1864,  June  8th,  renominated 
and  elected  in  November,  by  212  votes  to  21  for  McClellan;  1864, 
March  4th,  inaugurated  for  second  term;  1865,  April  I4th,  shot  at 
Ford's  Theater,  and  died  next  day;  buried  at  Oak  Ridge,  near 
Springfield,  111.  Had  four  sons. 

3  General  James  S.  Wadsworth,  of  Geneseo,  N.  Y.,  was  a  man 
of  wealth,  owner  of  a  residence  on  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  and 
of  a  tract  of  land  so  long  that  it  was  said  he  could  drive  sixty 
miles  to  Rochester  without  getting  off  his  own  property.  He  was 
a  graduate  of  Yale;  married  to  a  lady  from  Philadelphia  and  an 


42          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

abolitionist,  but  no  admirer  of  McClellan.  When  the  rebels  cut 
railroad  communication  between  Baltimore  and  the  capital,  he 
chartered  and  loaded  a  boat  with  flour  and  sent  it  by  way  of 
Annapolis,  at  his  own  expense.  He  was  over  sixty  when  the  war 
broke  out,  and  wore  a  sword  used  by  an  ancestor  in  the  Revolu 
tionary  War.  At  Gettysburg,  his  division  defended  Kulp's  Hill, 
and  Wadsworth  was  commended  for  his  conduct  there,  by  General 
Meade  in  his  report.  In  1862,  while  Military  Governor,  ran  for 
Governor  of  New  York,  but  was  defeated  by  Horatio  Seymour. 
He  lived  opposite  his  headquarters  at  iQth  and  I  Streets,  and 
gave  handsome  receptions.  General  E.  D.  Keyes,  in  his  book 
called  Fifty  Years'  Observations  of  Men  and  Events,  says  of  him: 
"He  was  a  man  of  great  strength  and  patriotism,  and  said  to  me, 
'If  my  father  was  alive  now,  and  would  not  devote  his  mind, 
body,  and  estate  in  this  cause,  I  could  not  respect  him.'"  His 
military  record  is  as  follows:  Volunteer  A.  D.  to  General  Mc 
Dowell,  July  8,  1861;  Brigadier-General,  August,  1861;  Brevet 
Major-General,  May  6,  1864,  for  gallantry  at  Gettysburg.  Died 
May  8,  1864,  of  wounds  received  May  6,  1864,  at  the  battle  in  the 
Wilderness. 

3  John  Hay  wrote  Pike  County  Ballads  and  Castilian  Days, 
afterwards  associated  with  the  New  York  Tribune;  married  the 
daughter  of  Amasa  Stone  of  Cleveland,  Ohio;  appointed  by 
President  McKinley,  Minister  to  England,  and  Secretary  of  State 
under  McKinley  and  Roosevelt;  died  at  his  summer  residence, 
"The  Fells,"  New  Hampshire,  July  i,  1905.  He  left  a  son 
Clarence  and  two  daughters;  one  married  to  Payne  Whitney, 
of  New  York,  and  the  other  to  James  W.  Wadsworth,  Jr.,  of 
Geneseo,  N.  Y.  James  W.  Wadsworth,  Jr.,  is  a  son  of  James  W. 
Wadsworth,  Member  of  Congress,  who  is  the  son  of  General 
James  S.  Wadsworth,  who  was  Military  Governor  of  Washington. 
Mr.  Hay's  military  record  is  as  follows:  January  12,  1864,  Major 
and  A.  D.  C.;  March  31,  1865,  Brevet  Colonel;  May  31,  1865, 
Colonel  of  Volunteers;  April  8,  1867,  mustered  out. 

*  Robert  Todd  Lincoln's  military  record  is  as  follows:  Captain 
and  A.  A.  General,  February  6,  1865;  resigned,  June  10,  1865; 
Secretary  of  War,  March  5,  1881. 

s  Sir  John  Henry  Puleston  was  bora  at  Stanfair,  Wales,  in  1830. 
His  education  was  obtained  at  King's  College,  London.  Member 
of  Parliament  from  1872  to  1892;  when  he  retired  from  Deven- 


Abraham  Lincoln  43 

port,  he  contested  Carnavon  Borough.  He  was  Constable  of 
Carnavon  Castle,  Chairman  of  the  City  of  London;  Conservative 
Asso.  and  Treasurer  of  the  Royal  Asylum  of  St.  Anne's  Society. 
He  was  knighted  in  1887.  Died,  London,  October  19,  1908. 

While  in  America  was  editor  of  a  Welsh  newspaper  at  Scranton, 
Pa. ;  State  Agent  for  Pennsylvania  by  appointment  of  Governor 
Curtin;  associated  with  Jay  Cooke,  McCollogh  &  Co.,  bankers, 
London,  where  he  made  a  large  fortune.  While  at  Washington, 
his  home  on  I5th  Street  was  a  center  of  hospitality. 

6  May  1 8,  1864,  Lincoln  ordered  General  Dix  at  New  York  to 
arrest  the  editors,  proprietors,  and  publishers  of  the  New  York 
World  and  Journal  of  Commerce,  for  publishing  a  false  proclama 
tion  purporting  to  be  signed  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
State. 

v  General  Wager  Halleck,  Cadet,  Military  Academy;  appointed 
Second  Lieutenant  Engineer  Corps,  July  5,  1835,  and  served  as 
Captain  until  August  5,  1854,  when  he  resigned.  August  19, 
1861,  Major-General;  July  23,  1862,  to  March  9,  1864,  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  Army;  after  that  Chief  of  Staff.  Died 
January  9,  1872. 

8  General  George  Gordon  Meade,  Military  Academy,  Septem 
ber,  1831;  Brig.-General,  August  31,  1861;  Major-General, 
November  29,  1862.  Resolution  of  thanks  by  Congress  for  his 
conduct  at  Gettysburg,  passed  January  28,  1864.  Died  Novem 
ber  6,  1872. 

'General  Winfield  Scott,  Military  Academy,  May  8,  1808; 
Commander-in-Chief  of  Army,  July  5,  1841,  to  November  5,  1861, 
when  he  retired.  Received  thanks  of  Congress  for  services  in 
Mexico,  March  9,  1848.  Died  May  29,  1866. 

10  General  U.  S.  Grant,  Commander-in-Chief  from  March  9, 
1864,  to  March  4,  1869;  Secretary  of  War,  August,  1867,  to 
January,  1868;  President,  March  4,  1869,  to  March  4,  1877; 
General  on  retired  list.  Received  thanks  of  Congress,  December 
17,  1863.  Died  July  23,  1885. 

"General  H.  Thomas,  Cadet,  July  I,  1836;  Major-General, 
April  25,  1862,  to  March  3,  1865.  Received  thanks  of  Congress 
for  defeating  Hood  in  Tennessee. 

12  General  W.  T.  Sherman,  Major-General,  May  n,  1862; 
Commander-in-Chief,  March  8,  1869,  to  November  i,  1883. 
Retired,  February  8,  1884.  Received  thanks  of  Congress, 


44          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

February  19,  1864,  for  services  at  Atlanta,  Chattanooga  and 
march  to  Savannah.  Died  February  14,  1891. 

**  General  P.  H.  Sheridan,  Major-General,  November  8, 
1864;  Lieutenant-General,  March  4,  1869;  General,  June  I,  1888; 
Commander-in-Chief,  November,  1883,  to  August,  1888.  Re 
ceived  thanks  of  Congress,  February  9,  1865,  for  services  in 
Valley  of  the  Shenandoah  and  Cedar  Run. 

**  C.  A.  Dana,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War,  January  28,  1864, 
to  August  I,  1865. 

x«  Robert  E.  Lee,  Military  Academy,  July  I,  1825;  August  29, 
1847,  Lieutenant- Colonel  for  services  in  Mexico;  Colonel,  Sep 
tember  17, 1847,  for  gallantry  at  Churubusco,  Mexico.  Resigned 
April  25,  1861;  General-in-Chief,  C.  S.  A.,  1861  to  1865.  Died 
October  12,  1870. 

16  General  Irvin  McDowell,  Military  Academy,  July  i,  1834; 
Major-General,  March  13,  1865.  Died  May  4,  1885. 

"»  General  Geo.  B.  McClellan,  Military  Academy,  July  i,  1842; 
Major-General,  May  14,  1861;  Commander-in-Chief,  from 
November  i,  1861,  to  March  u,  1862.  Received  thanks  of 
Congress,  July  16,  1861,  for  victories  in  West  Virginia.  Resigned, 
November  8,  1864.  Died  October  29,  1885. 

18  General  John  Pope,  Military  Academy,  July  I,  1838;  Major- 
General,  March  13,  1865,  for  gallantry  at  Island  No.  10,  Miss. 

^General  Joseph  Hooker,  Military  Academy,  July  i,  1833; 
Major-General,  May  5,  1862;  January  28,  1864,  received  thanks 
of  Congress  for  services  during  attack  on  Washington.  Retired, 
October  15,  1868.  Died  October  31,  1879. 

10  Thaddeus    Stevens,    born    Danville,    Vermont,    in    1792, 
graduated,  Dartmouth,  1814.     Settled  at  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1842; 
father  of  Pennsylvania  School  System.    Chairman  of  Ways  and 
Means  Committee,  House  of  Representatives,  during  the  war. 
Died,  Washington,  in  1868. 

11  The  criticism  on  "Conspiracy  Trial"  in  Constitution  of  U.  S. 
by  John  Lee  Tucker,  of  Washington  and  Lee  University,  vol.  ii., 
page  650,  published,  Chicago,  1899,  and  comments  on  refusal  of 
Military  to  obey  Writ  of  Habeas  Corpus,  issued  by  Judge  Wiley, 
of  Supreme  Court,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"  In  his  first  inaugural,  Lincoln  quotes  from  one  of  his  speeches 
— "I  have  no  purpose,  directly  or  indirectly,  to  interfere  with  the 
institution  of  slavery  in  the  States,  where  it  exists.  I  believe  I 


Abraham  Lincoln  45 


have  no  lawful  right  to  do  so,  and  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  so." 
— March  I,  1861. 

3 3  Simon  Cameron,  born,  Lancaster,  Pa.,  1799;  1845,  U.  S. 
Senator;  1857,  U.  S.  Senator;  1861,  Secretary  of  War  to  Lincoln; 
1862,  resigned  on  account  of  disagreement  on  question  of  freeing 
and  arming  slaves;  1862,  Minister  to  Russia;  1867  to  1873,  U.  S. 
Senator. 

2*  James  Buchanan,  born  1791;  1812,  admitted  to  Lancaster 
Bar;  1820,  Member  of  Congress;  1831,  Minister  to  Russia;  1833, 
U.  S.  Senator;  1845,  Secretary  of  State  to  Polk;  1856,  Minister  to 
England;  and  President  until  1861.  Died  June  I,  1868. 

2s  Dred  Scott  vs.  Sandford.  19  Howard  U.  S.  Reports,  393. 
Decided,  March  6,  1857.  Chief  Justice  Taney:  Negro  cannot 
become  a  citizen.  The  Declaration  of  Independence  does  not 
include  slaves  as  part  of  the  people;  Constitution  expressly 
affirms  right  of  property  in  slaves.  Missouri  Compromise  un 
constitutional  and  void. 


CHAPTER  II 
WASHINGTON  CITY— 1862 

WHILE  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  under  General 
McClellan  was  in  winter  quarters  about  Washing 
ton,  waiting  for  spring  weather  before  advancing 
upon  Richmond,  a  portion  of  the  4th  Pennsyl 
vania  Cavalry  regiment,  in  which  I  then  held  the 
rank  of  major,  was  on  duty,  as  mounted  provost 
guard,  in  the  city  proper,  with  headquarters  on 
Capitol  Hill.  The  rest  of  the  regiment  camped  in 
Hawes's  Woods,  a  beautiful  grove  of  oak  on  7th 
Street,  to  the  north  of  the  city,  envying  the  lucky 
soldiers  who  had  been  placed  on  some  kind  of 
active  duty.  By  reason  of  the  assignment,  the 
field  officers  of  my  regiment,  and  among  them 
myself,  were  often  on  duty  as  officers  of  the  day, 
making  the  grand  rounds  of  the  posts  of  the  north 
side  of  the  river,  between  twelve  o'clock  at  mid 
night  and  four  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

On  the  afternoon  of  a  bright  day  in  March, 
1862,  after  I  had  been  on  this  sort  of  duty  the 
night  before,  I  received  a  short,  peremptory  order, 
without  the  usual  transmission  through  my 
colonel,  but  directly,  commanding  me  to  report 
at  once  to  General  James  S.  Wadsworth,  Military 

46 


Washington  City — 1862  47 

Governor  of  the  District  of  Washington,  at  his 
headquarters,  corner  of  iQth  and  I  streets. 

I  was  somewhat  alarmed  at  the  message,  not 
knowing  what  it  boded,  and,  quickly  riding  in, 
reported  myself  at  the  designated  place — with 
which  I  was  well  acquainted  as  the  old  head 
quarters  of  General  Andrew  Porter,  who  was 
General  McClellan's  provost  marshal,  and  from 
whom  the  day  before  I  had  received  my  instruc 
tions  as  officer-of-the-day. 

I  was  directed  upstairs  and,  on  making  myself 
known,  was  received  with  great  cordiality  by  the 
general.  He  said  that  I  had  been  recommended 
to  him  as  an  officer  who  was  familiar  with  the 
location  of  the  camps,  and  who  was  acquainted 
with  the  commanding  officers  on  the  north  of  the 
river,  that  he  wished  me  to  come  in  next  day,  show 
him  the  camps,  and  introduce  him  to  the  troops 
he  was  to  command  after  McClellan  had  embarked. 
I,  of  course,  felt  very  much  relieved,  and  was 
much  impressed  by  the  genial  courtesy  of  the  man. 
Next  day,  I  came  again  at  the  appointed  hour 
but  it  took  the  general  a  long  while  to  get  started. 
At  last,  Lieutenant  Kress,  his  aide-de-camp, 
joined  us  and  we  were  off.  We  rode  out  I4th 
Street  and  returned  by  way  of  7th  Street,  stopping 
at  all  the  camps  that  were  on  our  way  and  on  the 
list  of  troops  in  Kress's  hand,  and  introducing  the 
general  to  the  regimental  commanders.  I  re 
member  that  every  one  who  was  told  he  was  to 
remain  and  help  guard  the  city  disputed  the 


48          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

order,  and  declared  they  belonged  to  some  brigade 
that  had  marching  orders.  The  army  was  in  fact 
heartily  sick  of  drilling  and  living  in  log-cabins 
within  sight  of  the  Capitol,  and  longed  for  a  for 
ward  movement.  At  all  events,  the  number  of 
troops  left  behind,  when  McClellan  had  gone,  was 
far  less  than  the  number  General  Wadsworth  had 
counted  on.  The  consolidated  report  showed  only 
about  17,000,  composed  chiefly  of  fragmentary 
organizations.  As  new  regiments  came  in,  his 
command  increased,  and  at  one  time  the  command 
counted  upwards  of  36,000  men. 

While  riding  back  to  the  city  together,  the 
General  asked  me  how  I  should  like  to  go  on  duty 
as  provost  marshal  of  the  city.  I  told  him  I  was 
afraid  I  was  hardly  fit  to  take  the  place,  for  I  was, 
in  fact,  but  twenty-five  years  old  at  the  time.  He 
replied  that  there  should  be  no  trouble  on  that 
score,  and  advised  me  to  report  next  morning  at 
ten.  I  did  so,  and  the  order  appointing  me 
provost  marshal  was  made  part  of  the  general 
order  by  which  he  assumed  command,  as  follows: 

HEADQUARTERS,  MILITARY  DISTRICT  OF  WASHINGTON, 

WASHINGTON,  March  20,  1862. 

I.  The  geographical  limits  of  this  Military  District 
are  at  present  defined  as  follows:  The    District    of 
Columbia,   the   City   of   Alexandria,    the   Defensive 
Works  South  of  the  Potomac  from  the  Occoquan  to 
Difficult  Creek,  and  the  Port  of  Fort  Washington. 

II.  Commanders   of   Brigades   not   yet   brigaded 


Washington  City — 1862  49 

and  of  independent  Battalions  or  companies  serving 
in  this  District  will  send  to  these  Head  Quarters  every 
Friday  a  consolidated  morning  report  of  their  respec 
tive  commands  for  that  day. 

III.  All  orders  issued  from  the  Head  Quarters  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  for  the  maintenance  of  good 
order  and  military  discipline  among  the  troops,  and 
the  existing  regulations  in  regard  to  passes,  furloughs, 
etc.,  continue  in  force  until  otherwise  directed. 

IV.  Commanders  of  troops  arriving  in  or  leaving 
this  district  will  furnish  to  these  Head  Quarters  a  full 
return  of  their  commands. 

V.  Major   William   E.     Doster    of    the    Fourth 
Pennsylvania  Cavalry  is  appointed  Provost  Marshal 
of  the  City  of  Washington  and  will  be  obeyed  and 
respected  accordingly. 

By  command  of  Brig. -Gen.  WADSWORTH, 

THEODORE  TALBOT,  Asst.  Adjt. -General. 
JOHN  A.  KRESS,  Aide-de-camp. 

THE  MILITARY  GOVERNORS 

General  Wadsworth  made  a  very  favorable 
impression  upon  me,  contrasting  as  he  did  with 
officers  appointed  as  a  result  of  the  intrigues  for 
promotion  among  the  volunteers.  He  was 
apparently  between  fifty  and  sixty  years  of  age, 
about  six  feet  in  height,  of  a  spare  but  well-knit 
frame,  with  blue  eyes,  white  hair,  and  side- 
whiskers,  a  thin  aquiline  nose,  and  an  amiable, 
frank,  and  firm  expression  of  countenance.  In 
sensibly  you  felt  that  you  were  in  the  presence 
of  a  man  of  honor,  who  was  above  all  touch  of 


50          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

affectation,  who  wished  to  help  his  country  when 
in  trouble  without  consulting  his  own  interest  or 
making  the  occasion  one  for  bragging  utterances. 
His  dress  was  very  plain.  On  the  occasion  of 
my  first  ride  with  him,  he  girt  on  a  carved  sabre  of 
ancient  pattern,  which,  I  learned  afterwards,  be 
longed  to  his  ancestor,  Major-General  Wadsworth. 
He  also  wore  a  common,  light  blue  army  over 
coat.  As  I  became  better  acquainted  with  him, 
I  had  occasion  every  day  to  admire  his  unusually 
fine  qualities, — his  incorruptibility,  good  humor, 
courage,  and  good  sense. 

I  remember  that  a  near  relative  of  his  who  held 
a  position  as  commissary  in  one  of  the  Carolina 
departments  came  to  Washington  to  procure  a 
transfer  to  some  other  field,  giving,  as  his  reason, 
that  it  was  impossible  for  an  honest  man  to  abide 
where  so  much  swindling  was  going  on.  ''Then," 
said  Wadsworth,  "you  are  just  the  man  to  put  a 
stop  to  it,"  and  he  gave  him  peremptory  orders 
to  return. 

I  was  told  by  his  friend,  Colonel  James  L.  Gra 
ham,  that  when  the  Governor  of  New  York,  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  war,  offered  Wadsworth  a  major- 
general's  commission,  Wadsworth  declined  it,  alleg 
ing  his  incompetency.  He  then  served  with  great 
gallantry  on  McDowell's  staff  at  Bull  Run,  ranking 
as  major.  He  won  his  star  before  wearing  it. 

When  running  for  Governor  of  New  York  in 
the  ensuing  fall,  he  was  urged  by  repeated  delega 
tions  from  home  to  appear  in  New  York  City. 


Washington  City — 1862  51 

He  was  requested  only  to  show  himself,  even  if  he 
made  no  speeches.  It  was  said  his  mere  presence 
would  result  in  his  election.  But  he  positively 
refused  to  go,  saying  he  could  not  play  the  politi 
cian  when  in  the  uniform  and  pay  of  the  United 
States.  After  his  defeat  some  of  his  friends  called 
to  condole  with  him.  ''Oh,"  said  he,  "that  is 
no  defeat  in  which  two-thirds  of  the  army  is  not 
engaged,"  a  reference  to  the  fact  that  the  soldiers 
of  New  York  were  not  allowed  to  vote. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year,  in  addition  to  his 
defeat,  he  had  to  suffer  the  mortification  of  being 
left  virtually  without  any  command.  This  cir 
cumstance  resulted  from  the  action  of  the  War 
Department  in  placing  General  Heintzelman  in 
command  of  the  Department  of  Washington,  the 
creation  of  which  at  once  absorbed  the  District 
of  Washington.  Wadsworth's  staff  officers  were 
extremely  loud  and  bitter  in  their  denunciation. 
But  the  chief  called  them  together  and  forbade 
them  to  say  one  word  either  in  praise  or  in  blame. 

After  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  I  happened  to 
meet  Wads  worth  on  his  way  North  to  enjoy  a 
short  leave  of  absence.  After  answering  his  many 
questions  about  the  part  played  by  the  cavalry 
on  our  right  wing,  where  I  had  been  engaged,  I 
alluded  to  Meade's  Report,  then  published,  and 
the  very  handsome  mention  therein  of  General 
Wadsworth's  conduct  in  that  engagement.  Wads- 
worth  said  he  had  never  read  it, — so  careless  was 
he  of  fame.  At  the  same  time  he  stated  that  the 


52          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

tide  had  now  turned  in  our  favor.  It  was  his 
opinion  that  the  army  needed  privates  more  than 
officers.  Under  the  circumstances  he  blamed  no 
officer  for  resigning,  but  rather  praised  him  for 
leaving  his  position  in  the  field  and  assuming  the 
duties  of  citizenship  at  home. 

During  the  disasters  in  front  of  Richmond  in 
the  summer  of  1862,  although  he  had  no  immediate 
cause  for  disgust,  so  far  as  Washington  was  con 
cerned,  he  was,  nevertheless,  greatly  disturbed. 
He  kept  pacing  the  floor  of  his  office  alone  till  late 
in  the  night  seeming  to  feel  our  defeats  in  a  personal 
way. 

No  doubt  the  Secretary  of  War  was  inclined  to 
make  all  around  him  nervous.  When  Stonewall 
Jackson  was  marching  up  the  valley,  Wadsworth 
told  me  that  Stanton,  from  whose  office  he  had 
just  come,  was  as  frightened  as  an  old  woman  and 
had  sent  for  the  7th  New  York.  In  the  main, 
however,  Wadsworth  had  not  from  the  outset 
the  remotest  faith  in  McClellan's  generalship,  and 
it  was  this  that  made  him  Governor  of  the  Capitol. 
As  far  as  I  could  gather  from  his  staff  and  himself, 
the  circumstances  were  as  follows:  during  the 
winter  of  1861-62,  Wadsworth's  brigade  was  on 
picket  duty  in  the  advance  before  Munson's  Hill. 
His  observation  of  the  enemy  brought  him  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  rebel  defense  was  a  feint,  and 
that  only  an  advance  was  needed  to  demonstrate 
the  fact  that  the  grand  army  was  held  in  check  by 
a  handful  of  troops  and  a  few  wooden  cannon.  He 


Washington  City— 1862  53 

so  reported  officially  and  in  conversation.  This 
bold  taking  of  sides  with  the  public  on  a  vital  point 
in  strategy  brought  him  into  bad  favor  at  Mc- 
Clellan's  headquarters.  Mr.  Lincoln  and  Mr. 
Stanton,  however,  sent  for  Wadsworth  and  had 
a  conversation  with  him  on  the  subject.  When 
McClellan  finally  advanced,  he  was  glad  to  be  rid 
of  Wadsworth,  and  Wadsworth  was  equally  grati 
fied  to  be  rid  of  McClellan.  Mr.  Lincoln  believed 
Wadsworth  could  deal  successfully  with  the 
administration  of  military  law  and  in  defensive 
operations.  He  accordingly  appointed  him  mili 
tary  governor. 

Wadsworth's  capacity  for  defensive  operations 
was  not  tested,  for  the  Capitol  was  not  attacked  be 
tween  March,  1862,  and  November,  1862,  in  which 
month  he  resumed  command  in  the  field.  The 
interval  was  full  of  alarms  of  assaults  on  the  Capi 
tol,  but  none  were  made.  During  this  period  were 
fought  the  battles  of  the  Peninsula,  the  famous 
change  of  base  was  made,  Stonewall  Jackson 
scattered  Fremont's  forces  in  the  valley,  Banks 
retreated  to  Harper's  Ferry,  Pope  was  driven  back 
on  his  front  at  the  second  battle  of  Bull  Run,  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  passed  northward  through 
the  city  and  fought  the  battle  of  Antietam,  and 
McClellan  was  finally  relieved  at  Warrenton  by 
Burnside.  The  command  of  Wadsworth  changed 
in  numbers  according  to  the  shifting  circumstances 
of  the  war,  running  up  to  nearly  forty  thousand 
when  Jackson  made  his  raid  and  reduced  to  the 


54          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

brigade  comprising  the  provost  guard,  and  number 
ing  about  three  thousand,  at  the  time  of  Bull  Run. 
In  command  he  was  superseded  three  times: 
first  by  General  Sturgis,  then  by  Banks,  and 
finally  by  General  Heintzelman.  I  can  but  think 
that  it  was  fortunate  that  his  capacity  as  defender 
of  the  Capitol  was  never  tested,  because  he  was  not 
a  scientific  soldier  likely  to  shine  in  a  siege,  but,  as 
he  afterwards  showed  himself,  essentially  a  fighting 
general,  who  thought  strategy  folly  and  who  be 
lieved  in  giving  hard  blows.  While  at  Washington, 
watching  with  anxiety  the  fate  of  a  general  whose 
ill-fortune  he  foretold,  and  waiting  confidently 
for  the  time  when  the  army  would  be  in  other 
hands,  he  became  the  center  of  the  growing  op 
position  to  McClellan,  which  gathered  strength  by 
the  trial  of  General  Porter  and  finally  triumphed. 
No  sooner  was  Burnside  in  command  than  Wads- 
worth  hurried  to  rejoin  his  brigade  at  Belle  Plain. 
How  he  subsequently  behaved  at  Fredericksburg, 
Chancellorsville,  Gettysburg,  and  the  Wilderness; 
how  this  wealthy,  yet  modest  gentleman  lived  like 
a  common  soldier;  with  what  supreme  contempt 
of  death  he  lead  his  division;  how  much  he  gave 
out  of  his  private  purse ;  how  he  refused  to  draw 
his  pay;  how  he  finally  fell,  struck  by  a  ball  in  the 
forehead,  in  the  Wilderness ;  how  his  widow  and  his 
son  Craig  hunted  for  his  body — all  these  matters 
are  foreign  to  my  story.  I  can  but  hope  that  the 
clear  white  record  of  this  noble  life  will  be  handed 
down  to  later  times  in  fitting  terms. 


Washington  City — 1862  55 

(Since  the  above  was  written,  the  life  of  Gen 
eral  Wadsworth  has  been  published  by  Henry 
Greenleaf  Pearson,  N.  Y.,  1913,  under  the  title 
of  General  Jas.  S.  Wadsworth  of  Geneseo.)  His 
accession  as  military  governor  was  hailed  with 
pleasure  by  the  people  of  the  District.  He  had 
the  reputation  of  being  immensely  wealthy,  own 
ing  many  miles  of  farms  in  the  Genesee  Valley, 
and  of  being  related  to  the  Murray s  in  England. 
As  proofs  of  his  generous  disposition  may  be  cited 
the  following:  He  was  reported  to  have  sent,  at 
his  own  expense,  a  cargo  of  grain  to  Ireland  during 
the  famine  and  to  have  sent  out  to  Washington 
via  Annapolis,  when  the  rebels  had  possession  of 
the  Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad,  a  shipload  of 
volunteers,  armed,  equipped,  and  transported 
through  funds  supplied  by  his  private  purse. 
This  lavish  generosity  suited  the  people  very  well. 
They  were  confident  of  being  treated  with  kind 
ness  at  his  hands.  In  this,  it  will  be  seen,  they 
were  not  disappointed,  for  he  was  not  the  kind  of 
man  to  assent  to  any  wanton  outrages  on  the 
customary  liberties  of  American  citizens,  without 
at  least  doing  the  utmost  that  a  subordinate  army 
officer  can  to  prevent  their  perpetration.  His 
popularity,  however,  later  split  on  the  bedrock 
of  slavery. 

In  November,  1862,  Wadsworth  was  succeeded 
as  military  governor  by  General  John  A.  Martin- 
dale  of  Rochester,  New  York,  who  was  less  im 
petuous  than  Wadsworth  and,  in  that  regard, 


56          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

better  fitted  for  dealing  with  fugitive  slaves  and 
their  masters.  I  served  also  under  him  until 
February,  1863.  Martindale  was  succeeded  by 
General  Wisewell,  who  with  his  veteran  reserve 
corps  had  charge  at  the  end  of  the  war. 

THE  POPULATION 

On  the  basis  of  the  census  of  1860,  the  District 
of  Columbia  had  an  aggregate  population  of  75,080. 
Of  this  number  3185  were  slaves,  11,131  free 
colored,  and  60,764  white.  The  city  of  George 
town  numbered  8733,  the  city  of  Washington 
61,122,  and  the  remainder  of  the  District  5225. 
By  March,  1862,  these  figures  had  enormously  in 
creased,  and  kept  increasing  for  the  ensuing  year. 
The  estimate  for  the  grand  total  of  the  population 
in  the  District  of  Columbia  at  that  time,  indepen 
dent  of  the  army  proper,  was  200,000  souls. 

In  1860,  the  municipal  government  of  the  two 
cities  was  administered  by  a  mayor  and  common 
council.  Neither  city  had  a  regular  paid  police. 
The  Capitol  and  grounds  were  guarded  by  what 
was  called  "The  Capitol  Police,  "  paid  by  Congress. 
The  ordinary  guardians  of  the  peace  were  the 
constables  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  about  a 
dozen  in  number,  who  were  officers  of  the  court. 
They  wore  badges  with  the  inscription  "  National 
Police, "  but  had  no  uniform.  The  United  States 
Marshal  had  charge  of  the  city  jail  and  employed 
a  great  number  of  deputies  whose  main  business 


Washington  City — 1862  57 

was  the  execution  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
Their  usual  fee  for  catching  a  runaway  slave  was 
fifty  dollars.  The  Marshal  himself  received  his 
warrants  from  three  commissioners,  appointed 
under  the  law,  who  sat  at  the  City  Hall  and 
received  complaints  of  slave  owners. 

In  1862,  Barrett,  the  Mayor  of  Washington, 
had  been  sent  to  Fort  Lafayette.  The  Govern 
ment  had  been  changed  by  an  Act  of  Congress. 
Richard  D.  Wallach  was  mayor,  a  board  of  police 
and  150  policemen,  uniformed,  were  on  duty  in 
Washington.  Wm.  B.  Webb  was  superintendent 
of  police  and  Colonel  Ward-Lamon  was  marshal. 

In  the  interval  between  the  tenures  of  office  of 
the  two  mayors,  General  Mansfield  and,  later, 
General  Andrew  Porter  of  the  1st  Mounted  Rifles, 
with  a  guard  composed  in  part  of  Colonel  Sykes's 
regiment,  the  3d  Regular  Infantry,  and  a  part  of 
the  5th  U.  S.  Cavalry,  carried  on  the  city  govern 
ment. 

The  U.  S.  Marshal,  however,  continued  to  issue 
warrants  to  his  deputies;  these  did  not  relax  their 
efforts  to  catch  fugitive  slaves,  the  commissioners 
still  sat  at  he  City  Hall  doing  a  larger  business 
than  ever,  and  the  city  jail,  called  the  "Washing 
ton  Slave  Pen,"  was  crowded  as  never  before — 
the  army  and  generals  notwithstanding. 

In  1860,  the  native  Maryland  and  Virginia 
families  were  in  accord  with  the  administration 
and  the  officeholders  on  the  exciting  popular  ques 
tion.  They  participated  at  the  receptions  of 


58          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Miss  Harriet  Lane  at  the  White  House,  at  the 
Arlington,  at  Mason's,  at  Mrs.  Gwinn's,  at  the 
Banker  Corcoran's,  at  Douglass's  new  house  near 
St.  Aloysius.  There  was  no  obstacle  in  their  road 
to  office,  if  they  desired  government  posts  for 
themselves  or  their  friends.  At  that  time  the 
city  itself  was,  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  of  com 
parative  insignificance,  for  the  Government  then 
was  something  no  man  was  afraid  of,  and  only 
office-seekers  took  the  trouble  to  honor.  Forty- 
five  years  had  elapsed  since  the  Capitol  had  been 
set  on  fire  by  the  British,  twenty-eight  years  since 
Jackson  here  had  crushed  Nullification;  and  the 
generation  now  on  the  scene  knew  of  these  things 
only  by  tradition. 

In  1862,  Washington  was  hated  and  prized 
beyond  any  other  city  in  America.  In  the  city 
and  in  the  homes  of  the  slaveholders,  it  was 
believed,  had  been  hatched  and  planned  the  con 
spiracy  which  slowly  dawned  on  the  North,  and 
here  Southern  sympathizers  were  still  believed 
to  be  planning  and  cooperating  with  their  friends 
at  Richmond.  Here  Davis  and  Toombs  had 
delivered  their  defiant  harangues.  Here  Floyd, 
Toombs,  and  Thompson  had  provided  for  the 
Confederacy  from  the  National  Treasury.  Here 
the  President  of  the  new  party  had  come  by 
stealth  and  been  inaugurated  among  lurking 
dangers.  Here  an  army  had  been  organized  by 
him,  sent  against  the  enemy,  and  defeated.  A 
second  had  been  assembled,  disciplined,  and 


Washington  City — 1862  59 

equipped,  and  was  about  to  renew  the  march 
toward  Richmond.  Whatever  of  hope-deferred, 
shame,  and  insult  had  been  felt  by  Northern  people 
during  the  past  year  was  associated  with  treachery 
in  Washington  and  defeat  in  front  of  it.  From  a 
political  point  of  view,  it  was  regarded  as  the  hub 
that  held  together  the  remaining  spokes  in  the 
wheel  that  made  the  Union ;  from  a  strategic  point 
of  view,  it  was  the  objective  point  for  the  Confeder 
ate  forces  operating  in  front  of  Richmond,  situated 
as  it  was  in  a  slave-holding  district,  between  two 
hostile  States,  with  only  one  railroad  to  the  North 
and  communications  in  that  direction  easily 
severed,  while  two  railroads  connected  the  Capitol 
with  the  enemy's  country  in  front.  It  was  now 
the  headquarters  of  the  Army  of  the  North,  and 
that  army's  grand  depot  of  supplies. 

The  Southern  population  had  by  this  time 
generally  declared  itself  or  "defined  its  position." 
As  a  general  rule  the  Southern  army  officers  had 
offered  their  services  to  the  sections  in  which  they 
held  property  or  had  friends.  Such  as  remained 
in  the  Northern  Army  were  more  or  less  under  a 
cloud.  Outside  of  the  army,  the  native  South 
erners  at  Washington  were  almost  invariably 
either  openly  or  secretly  in  sympathy  with  the 
Confederate  cause,  and  maintained  that  attitude 
to  the  end  of  the  war, — the  slaveholders  because 
of  their  property,  the  society  people  on  account 
of  the  ruder  manners  they  professed  to  see  in 
the  Northerners,  the  politicians  for  the  offices, 


60          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

the  merchants  for  the  trade  which  was  passing 
into  the  hands  of  the  Yankees.  Furthermore,  the 
President  in  their  opinion  was  desecrating  the 
memories  of  the  White  House,  and  they  hoped  for 
the  day  when  Lady  Davis's  carriage  would  drive 
down  the  avenue  and  dispel  the  Springfield  rabble. 
For  the  Southerners  there  were  no  vacancies  in 
the  Departments,  no  contracts,  no  invitations,  no 
influence — only  suspicion,  obscurity,  the  danger 
of  imprisonment,  and  the  great  risk  of  confiscation 
of  their  real  estate  and  the  liberation  of  their 
personal  chattels, — their  slaves. 

In  1860,  the  military  force  about  Washington 
consisted  chiefly  of  General  Scott,  his  staff  and 
orderlies,  and  the  marine  band.  In  1862,  in  a 
circle  whose  confines  were  three  miles  from  the 
Capitol  were  temporary  canvas  cities  inhabited  by 
a  male  population  picked  from  the  yeomanry  of  all 
the  Northern  States.  Due  north,  on  7th  Street,  lay 
the  corps  of  volunteer  and  regular  cavalry  organ 
ized  by  General  Stoneman.  General  Cooke  had  his 
headquarters  and  barracks  at  the  Parke  Hotel. 
At  Kendall  Green,  farther  north,  was  Keyes's  Di 
vision.  At  Brightwood  were  Generals  Graham, 
Couch,  and  Birney.  At  Rock  Creek  Church  was 
West's  Artillery.  On  Meridian  Hill  were  Zouaves, 
Scotch  Highlanders,  and  the  Irish  69th.  On  Kalo- 
rama  Heights  were  hospitals.  On  I4th  Street  lay 
Pennsylvania  infantry  regiments  and  De  Tro- 
briand's  regiment.  On  the  south  side  of  the  river 
were  Heintzelman,  Sumner,  and  Porter's  Corps. 


Washington  City — 1862  61 

The  open  country  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city 
was  at  this  period  occupied  by  fortified  defenses. 
In  a  circle  around  the  city  was  visible  a  chain  of 
earthworks,  extending  from  Fort  Totten,  near  the 
Soldiers'  Home  on  the  north,  to  Fort  Meigs,  near 
the  Anacostia  River,  and  thence  to  Fort  Ethan 
Allen,  near  the  Navy  Yard.  Another  line  ex 
tended  from  Georgetown,  on  the  right,  to  Fairfax 
Seminary,  on  the  south  side  of  the  river — covering 
Long  Bridge,  the  Aqueduct,  and  Chain  Bridge, 
as  the  former  did  the  roads  to  Maryland  and  the 
north.  Within  this  continuous  enceinte  lay  the 
army  in  an  entrenched  camp. 

In  the  city  itself  was  visible,  everywhere,  the 
presence  of  a  volunteer  army  in  preparation  for  a 
forward  movement.  At  the  depot  of  the  Balti 
more  and  Ohio  Railroad  as  many  as  ten  regiments 
arrived  daily.  Nearby,  the  Soldiers'  Retreat  was 
crammed  with  soldiers  waiting  to  secure  trans 
portation  to  the  field,  to  the  hospital,  or  to  their 
homes  on  furloughs.  The  streets  were  filled  with 
wagon  trains,  mules,  cattle,  ordnance,  and  stores. 
At  the  Arsenal,  clothing  and  commissary  depots, 
mustering  offices,  and  at  the  various  headquarters 
were  crowds  of  officers  trying  to  get  mustered  or  to 
clothe  and  equip  their  commands.  The  military 
storekeepers  were  busy  day  and  night  issuing 
stores  and  making  out  invoices,  while  the  Trans 
portation  Bureau  had  not  teams  enough  to  supply 
the  demand. 

As  the  sight  of  the  Capitol  and  of  its  objects  of 


62          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

interest  was  something  new  to  most  of  the  volun 
teers,  it  cannot  be  wondered  at  that  they  embraced 
the  opportunity  to  satisfy  their  curiosity  and 
crowded  the  city,  fascinated  by  the  attractions  it 
offered.  In  fact,  shoulder  straps  predominated 
in  all  places — hotels,  billiard-rooms,  restaurants, 
theaters.  Along  the  Avenue,  in  the  lobbies  of  the 
Capitol,  the  Patent  Office,  Smithsonian  Institute, 
the  White  House,  the  Departments,  on  the  pave 
ment,  in  the  omnibus,  were  the  eternal  army  blue 
and  Mexican  spur.  So  divers  were  the  uniforms 
that  a  foreigner  of  almost  any  nation  could  see  re 
presented  in  the  medley  the  distinguishing  uniform 
of  his  people.  There  were  Zouaves,  Highlanders, 
Chasseurs,  Enfans  Perdus,  Austrians  in  white, 
Italians  in  red  shirts  fresh  from  service  with 
Garibaldi,  and  Englishmen  who  almost  invariably 
had  taken  part  in  the  charge  of  the  Light  Brigade 
at  Balaklava  (so  they  claimed). 

In  the  midst  of  the  chaos  were  seen  the  long 
array  of  rough,  brown-stained  coffins,  carried  in 
furniture  cars,  containing  dead  private  soldiers, 
escorted,  generally  to  the  number  of  twelve,  by 
a  corporal  and  ten  men.  Less  frequently  there 
passed  some  general's  funeral,  with  band,  a 
brilliant  staff,  and  arms  reversed. 

Over  and  above  the  hum  raised  by  this  myriad 
of  men,  horses,  wagons,  and  cars  were  heard  at 
intervals  the  booming  of  artillery  practice,  the 
firing  of  infantry  platoons,  the  cavalry  bugle,  and 
the  drum. 


Washington  City — 1862  63 

Fashion,  politics,  and  luxury  had  all  made  way 
before  this  impetuous  and  imperious  swarm  of 
Union  men.  The  workmen  ordinarily  employed 
at  the  public  buildings  were  now  busy  at  hospitals, 
depots,  and  prisons.  The  carriage  horses  were 
under  the  McClellan  saddle,  the  musicians  learn 
ing  to  keep  step  with  brass  bands ;  the  fashionable 
ladies  keeping  boarding-houses,  and  the  fastidious 
belles  visiting  hospitals,  irrespective  of  their 
sympathies,  or  pulling  lint  and  knitting  stockings. 
The  fine  gardens  on  the  outskirts  were  camps  and 
the  ancient  groves  fast  becoming  firewood.  All 
reputable  homes  in  the  suburbs  were  headquarters 
and  many  dwellings  in  the  city  proper  were  seized 
for  army  uses.  The  public  squares  were  generally 
barracks.  Corcoran's  Art  Gallery  became  a 
clothing  depot;  the  yard  of  the  War  Office,  a 
show  ground  for  patent  tents  and  camp  equipage ; 
Senator  G win's  house  was  the  headquarters  of 
the  military  governor, — the  sitting-room  a  detec 
tive  bureau,  and  the  parlour  a  provost  marshal's 
office,  crowded  with  clerks,  citizens,  contrabands, 
Confederates  in  butternut,  and  Federals  of  all 
grades  in  arrest.  The  Thompson  house  became  a 
transportation  office;  the  grounds  of  the  White 
House,  a  quartermaster's  depot.  The  stone  cutters' 
sheds  under  the  portico  of  the  Treasury  were  filled 
with  cavalry  horses ;  on  Capitol  Hill  was  an  infantry 
brigade.  The  Old  Capitol  was  converted  into  a 
Rebel  prison,  and  the  room  where  tradition  said 
Calhoun  died,  became  a  search  office.  Duff- 


64          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Greens  Row  was  a  smallpox  hospital  for  contra 
bands.  General  Scott's  home  was  turned  into 
a  boarding-house,  and  the  Arlington  became 
Whipple's  headquarters.  McClellan's  family 
occupied  the  home  at  I5th  and  H  streets,  and  the 
headquarters  of  Banks  and  of  Heintzelman  was 
later  located  at  the  junction  of  15^  Street  with 
the  Avenue.  I  occupied  Jesse  Bright's  home. 

With  the  army  came  a  long  and  pestiferous  train 
of  attendants — commission  brokers,  who  under 
took  to  secure  commissions  for  enlisted  men  and 
promotions  for  officers,  appointments  from  the 
President,  and  confirmation  from  the  Senate; 
dealers  in  patent  camp  furniture,  breastplates, 
and  armor-oil ;  itinerant  sutlers  and  agents ;  travel 
ing  tailors,  who  measured  in  camp  and  sewed  in 
the  city;  liquor  dealers  of  all  grades,  from  mer 
chants  who  brought  cargoes  from  New  York  to 
vendors  who  smuggled  whisky  of  the  worst  sort 
under  their  clothing  and  filled  canteens  out  of 
milk-cans.  Prostitutes  from  all  the  large  cities 
of  the  North  flocked  hither  in  swarms  and  infested 
the  most  respectable  streets  as  well  as  the  filthiest 
alleys.  They  ranged  from  dashing  courtesans 
who  entertained  in  brownstone  houses  to  drunken 
creatures  who  were  summarily  ejected  from  camp. 
The  ancient  gambling  and  drinking  saloons 
flourished  and  new  ones  sprung  up  everywhere, 
for  gold  and  greenbacks  were  plentiful  and  little 
prized  by  the  volunteers.  Prominent  among  the 
soldiers  was  the  agent,  who  came  into  existence 


Washington  City — 1862  65 

under  the  perplexities  and  embarrassments  encoun 
tered  by  nearly  half  a  million  of  men  who  were 
soldiers  in  fact,  but  utterly  ignorant  of  military 
routine.  These  agents  were  of  all  nationalities, 
and  agreed  only  in  the  unlimited  nature  of  the 
influence  they  professed  to  be  able  to  exert  in 
" getting  things  through,"  if  paid.  Discharges, 
passes,  furloughs,  citizens'  dress  for  deserters, 
releases  from  prison,  pardons,  revocations  of 
sentences,  detachments  on  easy  duty,  transfers, 
protection  against  the  orders  of  provost  marshals, 
the  passing  of  invoices,  the  approval  of  accounts, 
the  securing  of  pay— the  transaction,  in  short,  of 
all  routine  matters  from  muster-in  to  muster-out 
— were  in  their  power. 

The  feverish  state  of  the  gold  market  and 
competition  for  the  earliest  information  regarding 
pending  movements  were  responsible  for  a  class  of 
news-hunters  who  in  enterprising  audacity  sur 
passed  anything  ever  before  seen  in  the  Capitol. 
They  obtruded  themselves  into  every  department 
where  the  slightest  clue  to  information  might  be 
hoped  for,  seemed  to  be  idle,  rollicking  fellows,  but 
sat  up  at  night  telegraphing  to  New  York  as  long 
as  the  offices  were  open. 

Not  least  conspicuous  was  the  irrepressible  con 
tractor,  chiefly  at  home  in  the  corridors  of  the 
War  Department  and  the  hall  of  Willard's,  but 
visible  at  all  places,  boring  persons  of  supposed 
influence  by  a  narration  of  the  merits  of  his  grand 
invention.  Finally,  there  was  a  crowd  of  adven- 


66          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

turers  of  all  sorts,  keepers  of  concert  saloons  with 
waiter-girls,  receivers  of  stolen  goods,  circuses, 
organ-grinders,  bear  shows,  thimble-riggers,  em- 
balmers,  undertakers,  pickpockets,  burglars,  and 
common  thieves. 

For  the  honor  of  the  land,  not  only  vultures  but 
good  Samaritans  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  army. 
There  was  the  Sanitary  Commission  located  on 
1 4th  Street  above  Willard's,  with  large  powers  from 
the  President,  and  in  possession  of  warehouses, 
teams,  and  floating  hospitals  of  its  own.  Its 
influence  was  exerted  at  many  points,  doing  good. 
It  rendered  service  in  bravely  fighting  violence 
and  fraud.  There  was  also  the  Christian  Commis 
sion,  sending  out  tracts,  bibles,  and  chaplains, 
who  generally  had  the  good  sense  to  turn  nurses. 
There  was  also  Miss  Elizabeth  Dix,  and  under  her 
many  noble  women,  of  Catholic  and  Protestant 
faith,  trying  and  succeeding  in  assuaging,  to  some 
degree,  such  of  the  horrors  of  war  as  were  beyond 
the  surgeons'  and  the  chaplains'  skill. 

MILITARY  AND  SECRET  POLICE 

The  duties  I  had  before  me  were  not  defined. 
I  was  told  by  General  Wadsworth  to  keep  the 
cities  in  order  while  he  devoted  himself  to  the  care 
of  the  defenses.  These  were  all  the  instructions 
I  received  concerning  the  duties  of  my  post,  except 
what  might  be  gathered  from  the  general  order 
issued  by  General  McClellan,  February  21,  1862, 


Washington  City — 1862  67 

which  related,  however,  mainly  to  "that  branch 
of  duty  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  on  its  pro 
jected  forward  movement.  ..." 

V.  The  duties  of  the  Provost  Marshals,  Generals, 
et  al.,  relate  to  the  general  police  of  the  army  and 
embrace  the  following  subjects  : 

Suppression  of  marauding  and  depredations  and  of 
all  brawls  and  disturbances,  preservation  of  good 
order  and  suppression  of  drunkenness  beyond  the 
limits  of  the  camps. 

Prevention  of  straggling  on  the  march. 

Suppression  of  gambling  houses,  drinking  houses, 
of  bar-rooms,  and  hotels. 

Regulations  of  hotels,  taverns,  markets,  and  places 
of  public  amusements. 

Searches,  seizures,  and  arrests. 

Execution  of  sentences  of  General  Courts-Martial 
involving  imprisonment  or  capital  punishment. 

Enforcement    of   orders    prohibiting   the   sale   of 
intoxicating  liquors,  whether  by  tradesmen  or  sutlers, 
and  of  orders  respecting  passes. 

Deserters  from  the  enemy. 

Prisoners  of  war  taken  from  the  enemy. 

Countersigning  safeguards. 

Passes  to  citizens  within  the  lines  and  for  the  pur 
poses  of  trade. 

Complaints  of  citizens  as  to  the  conduct  of  the 
soldiers. 

To  understand  what  was  meant  by  keeping  the 
cities  of  Washington  and  Georgetown  in  order  in 
1862,  it  is  necessary  to  take  a  survey  of  the  geo- 


68          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

graphical  features  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Washington  at  that  time  had  six  means  of  com 
munication,  through  which  its  trade  and  travel 
came  and  went — three  bridges,  one  ferry,  one 
railroad,  and  one  canal.  The  Aqueduct  Bridge, 
running  from  the  north  shore  of  the  Potomac  at 
Georgetown,  connected  that  city  with  Alexandria, 
Virginia,  and  the  roads  towards  Leesburg  and 
Richmond  beyond.  The  Ohio  and  Chesapeake 
Canal  joined  Washington  to  Harper's  Ferry  and 
Northern  Virginia.  Long  Bridge  brought  Washing 
ton  into  touch  with  Fairfax  Court  House,  Center- 
ville,  Warrenton,  and  Richmond.  The  Alexandria 
Ferry  connected  the  foot  of  Seventh  Street,  Wash 
ington,  by  steamboat  with  Alexandria  and  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  Railroad,  whenever  that 
was  in  operation.  The  foot  of  H  Street  wharf  was 
the  steamboat  terminus  of  the  Manassas  Railroad. 
The  Anacostia  Bridge  over  the  Anacostia  con 
nected  Washington  at  the  Navy  Yard,  by  a 
northerly  route,  with  Annapolis  and  Maryland,  by 
a  southerly  route,  with  Port  Tobacco,  Leonards- 
town,  and  Point  Lookout.  The  Potomac  River 
facilitated  communication  with  the  seaboard,  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad  with  the  North. 

The  obvious  plan  for  any  one  who  desired  to 
control  the  freight  and  travel  to  and  from  the 
District  was  to  maintain  a  cordon  of  sentinels 
around  it,  with  posts  at  the  depots.  This  had 
been  established  by  General  Porter.  A  chain  of 
pickets  had  been  disposed  in  a  circle  of  about  two 


Washington  City — 1862  69 

miles*  radius  from  headquarters,  guarding  the 
minor  roads  and  the  open  country  between  them, 
while  the  main  reserves  were  stationed  at  the 
Chesapeake  and  Ohio  Canal  in  Georgetown,  at 
the  Aqueduct  Bridge,  at  Long  Bridge,  and  at  the 
Baltimore  and  Ohio  Railroad.  It  was  the  responsi 
bility  of  the  pickets  to  cover  also  the  river  front 
from  the  Navy  Yard  to  Analostan  Island.  The 
general  instructions  to  the  commandants  were  to 
intercept  contraband  of  war  as  well  as  intelligence 
between  the  lines,  to  prevent  smuggling,  blockade- 
running,  straggling,  and  the  passage  of  citizens 
and  soldiers  without  authority  from  our  head 
quarters. 

Particular  instructions  were  given  to  each  post. 
The  detachment  at  Aqueduct  Bridge  had  super 
vision  over  all  vessels  plying  the  Chesapeake  and 
Ohio  Canal,  and  over  all  travel  by  the  Bridge. 
Attempts  were  not  infrequently  made  to  forward 
salt  and  flour  to  the  Confederates  by  this  route, 
and  all  vessels  were  therefore  required  to  show 
passes  and  countersigned  invoices.  The  river 
shore,  which  was  a  favorite  place  of  crossing  by 
deserters,  and  for  loading  contraband  goods,  was 
patrolled  from  the  Bridge  to  Rock  Creek.  The 
daily  detail  for  this  territory  was  one  sergeant, 
two  corporals,  and  eight  privates. 

The  next  reserve  to  the  east  was  stationed  at  the 
Long  Bridge  at  the  foot  of  I4th  Street.  The  river 
was  at  this  point  too  wide  to  enable  deserters  to 
swim  across,  but  the  locality  being  directly  south 


70          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

of  Willard's  Hotel  on  the  north  and  Alexandria 
road  on  the  south  was  the  central  road  for  pas 
sengers  and  commerce  southward.  The  three 
officers  and  one  company  on  duty  here  were 
mainly  occupied  with  inspecting  stores  and  passes 
and  patrolling  the  shore  as  far  as  Rock  Creek. 

The  river  from  Long  Bridge  to  7th  Street 
wharf  was  in  charge  of  a  daily  detail  of  one 
lieutenant,  one  sergeant,  two  corporals,  and 
twenty -four  privates.  They  had  charge  of  the 
Alexandria  Ferry  and  of  the  ferry  steamers  which 
plied  to  Alexandria  every  half -hour,  of  the  Man- 
assas  Railroad  depot  at  the  foot  of  nth  Street,  and 
of  the  Mount  Vernon  boats.  At  this  time  the 
Thomas  Colly  er,  belonging  to  the  Ladies'  Associa 
tion,  monopolized  the  travel  to  this  place.  At  the 
same  point,  the  detail  superintended  the  shipping 
of  quartermasters'  and  commissioners'  stores  to 
Aquia  Creek,  Yorktown,  and  later  to  Harrison's 
Landing. 

The  post  at  the  eastern  branch  or  Anacostia 
Bridge,  near  the  Navy  Yard,  guarded  the  entrance 
to  Northern  and  Southern  Maryland.  The  road 
on  the  south  of  the  bridge  forked.  One  fork, 
conducting  to  Baltimore,  formed,  by  way  of  Long 
Old  Fields  and  Annapolis,  a  convenient  and  much 
frequented  route  for  our  deserters;  the  other, 
leading  to  Port  Tobacco,  the  southern  point  of 
Maryland,  was  a  favorite  headquarters  for  rebel 
recruiting  officers,  contrabandists,  mail -carriers, 
spies,  and  refugees.  One  company  of  infantry 


Washington  City — 1862  71 

here  daily  patrolled  both  shores  of  the  Branch 
paying  special  attention  to  baggage  and  citizens. 
Between  this  point  and  Leonardstown  a  battalion 
of  cavalry  was  on  constant  duty  with  detachments 
on  all  the  creeks. 

This  land  guard,  watching  such  a  long  stretch 
of  shore,  was  soon  found  incapable  of  doing  its 
work  thoroughly.  The  river  and  bay  continued 
beyond  its  reach,  and  were  filled  with  daring 
smugglers.  To  cope  with  these  law-breakers  on 
their  own  element,  each  river  post  was  equipped 
with  boats  manned  with  sailors  recruited  from 
the  volunteers.  They  cooperated  with  the  Poto 
mac  flotilla,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Shaw  of 
the  Navy.  This  officer  was  detailed  by  Commo 
dore  Harwood  of  the  Washington  Navy  Yard 
and  reported  to  me.  He  cruised  from  the  Occo- 
quan  to  Wicomico  River. 

These  dispositions  were  made  of  our  southern  or 
exposed  front:  On  the  land,  or  north  side  of  the 
city,  a  picket  line  ran  from  the  Eastern  Branch 
through  Bladensburg  to  the  depot  of  the  Baltimore 
and  Ohio  Railroad  Company,  with  headquarters 
at  the  depot.  The  detail  here  consisted  of  one 
lieutenant,  one  sergeant,  one  corporal,  and  twenty- 
two  privates.  It  had  charge  of  the  Baltimore 
Turnpike,  of  the  soldiers  and  citizens  entering  and 
leaving  Washington,  and  of  all  freights.  The 
Soldiers*  Rest  adjoining  was  under  its  control, 
and  the  recently  paid  and  furloughed  volunteers 
were  protected  against  the  depredations  of  the 


72          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

thieves  and  impostors  who  were  encamped  in 
tents  and  shanties  erected  in  this  vicinity.  De 
serters  in  citizens'  clothing,  and  arms  and  horses 
forwarded  from  the  army  homewards  were  here 
intercepted.  The  military  force  stationed  in  this 
region  was  assisted  by  a  large  detail  of  regular 
police  and  by  a  detail  from  the  secret  police. 

From  here  the  picket  line  extended  northwest 
to  theTennallytown  road,  due  north  of  Washington, 
where  this  thoroughfare  intersects  the  road  to  the 
Soldiers'  Home.  The  detail  patrolled  west  war  dly 
until  it  encountered  the  Georgetown  patrol. 

The  last  post  on  the  land  side  was  at  Georgetown, 
which  consisted  of  a  separate  organization,  subject 
to  my  orders,  of  which  more  hereafter. 

Coming  now  to  the  interior  of  the  city  of  Wash 
ington,  the  central  artery,  Pennsylvania  Avenue, 
from  the  Capitol  to  Georgetown,  was  occupied  by 
detachments  of  infantry,  at  nearly  equal  distances 
from  one  another,  exercising  jurisdiction  to  the 
right  and  left  across  the  city.  The  main  posts 
were  at  Georgetown,  the  Circle;  at  226.  Street 
and  Pennsylvania  Avenue;  iyth  Street  and  Penn 
sylvania  Avenue;  I7th  and  K  Streets;  Soldiers' 
Retreat;  Depot,  and  Capitol  Hill. 

At  Georgetown  were  on  daily  duty  one  field 
officer,  one  lieutenant,  one  sergeant,  three  corpo 
rals,  and  sixty-six  privates.  The  commandant 
of  the  force  was  held  responsible  for  the  peace  of 
the  city,  which  was  outspoken  in  its  Confederate 
sentiment.  A  judge  advocate  under  him  tried 


Washington  City — 1862  73 

and  disposed  of  the  prisoners  and  goods  collected 
at  a  prison  called  "Forest  Hall."  He  had  charge, 
also,  of  the  following  hospitals :  Seminary,  College, 
Dunbarton,  Trinity,  Presbyterian,  Kalorama,  and 
Union. 

The  remaining  posts  were  occupied  as  follows 
for  daily  duty : 

Circle:  one  lieutenant,  two  corporals,  twenty-seven 
privates. 

1 7th  Street;  three  officers,  sixteen  non-com,  officers, 
ninety  privates. 

Soldiers'  Retreat:  one  lieutenant,  one  sergeant, 
twenty-two  privates. 

K  Street  (Cavalry) :  one  lieutenant,  two  corporals, 
fourteen  privates. 

Capitol  Hill:  two  captains,  three  companies  of 
infantry. 

These  were  in  charge  of  the  Navy  Office,  Pay 
Department,  Treasury,  Patent  Office,  Corrals, 
Quarter-masters'  Bureau,  and  all  the  public  offices 
in  the  city.  They  were  also  responsible  for 
prisoners  of  all  sorts  and  for  the  maintenance  of 
order. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  OLD  CAPITOL  AND  CARROL  PRISONS, 
1862-1863 

THE  first  knowledge  I  had  of  this  afterwards 
famous  prison — the  Old  Capitol — was  when  acting 
as  officer  of  the  day  under  General  Porter,  with 
instructions  to  visit  and  inspect  the  guard  at  the 
Washington  and  Georgetown  prisons.  My  orderly, 
who  knew  the  road,  guided  me  to  a  gloomy-looking 
building  one  square  to  the  east  of  the  New  Capitol 
buildings,  and  running  parallel  with  them.  I 
dismounted  and  under  my  orders  demanded  to  go 
through  the  prison  and  visit  the  guards  within. 
The  demand  was  made  in  an  ante-chamber.  The 
captain  in  charge  of  the  guard  answered  derisively, 
"I  guess  you  can't,"  and  showed  me  a  copy  of 
the  prison  rules,  admitting  none  beyond  the  guard 
room  without  a  special  pass  for  that  purpose  from 
the  provost  marshal  or  the  Secretary  of  War. 
I  did  not  care  to  argue  the  point  as  to  the  powers 
of  my  orders  when  weighed  against  the  prison 
rules,  and  reported  that  I  was  refused  admittance. 
The  action  on  the  part  of  the  captain  was  ap 
proved.  After  I  was  appointed  provost  marshal 
(partly  from  curiosity,  partly  in  pursuance  of 

74 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      75 

directions  from  the  military  governor) ,  I  made  my 
first  visit  to  the  interior  and  this  time  in  company 
with  Brigade-Surgeon  Stewart,  who  had  been  on 
duty  here  a  long  time  and  knew  everybody  well. 
Dr.  Stewart  was  a  most  excellent  surgeon,  and  an 
exemplary  gentleman  in  every  way,  but  as  he  was 
very  large,  very  portly,  somewhat  pompous  in  his 
manners,  and  presumed  very  greatly  on  his  loyalty 
as  opposed  to  that  of  rebels,  I  soon  found  that  I 
could  not  well  have  been  introduced  to  my  new 
charges  under  a  more  unpopular  guide. 

The  result  of  my  cursory  investigations  is  as 
follows:  The  Old  Capitol  Prison  was  a  long 
three-story  building  of  dingy  brick,  situated  on  the 
corner  of  East  Capitol  and  Carrol  streets.  In  the 
rear  of  the  main  building,  on  East  Capitol  Street, 
was  a  brick  extension  about  equal  in  length  to  the 
front  on  Carrol  street.  In  the  rear  of  this  brick 
extension,  still  on  East  Capitol  Street,  was  a  new 
wooden  extension.  In  the  rear  of  this  was  an  out 
building  used  as  a  kitchen.  In  the  rear  of  the  lot, 
and  running  parallel  to  the  front,  were  the  sinks; 
on  the  south  side  of  the  lot  was  another  new 
wooden  building.  On  the  unbuilt  portion  of  the 
lot,  fronting  on  Carrol  street,  was  a  high  wooden 
fence.  In  the  interior  of  the  Square  was  a  large 
open  enclosure,  or  yard.  On  the  east  this  Old 
Capitol  lot  was  bounded  by  a  lot  and  brick  house, 
the  residence  of  Superintendent  Wood;  on  the 
south,  by  Carrol  Prison  (then  Duff  Green's  Row 
or  Contraband  Hospital).  Opposite  the  front  of 


76          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

the  building  lay  the  East  Capitol  grounds,  con 
taining  the  sitting  statue  of  Washington,  and  of 
course,  just  beyond,  the  East  Capitol  front. 
On  the  north  side  the  ground  declined  into  a 
valley  through  which  passed  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad,  and  the  upper  windows  on  East 
Capitol  Street  commanded  a  fine  view  of  the 
country  seats  to  the  north  of  the  city — St. 
Aloysius  Cathedral,  Harewood,  and  the  woods 
about  Soldiers'  Home. 

Viewed  from  the  street  the  building  offered  no 
conspicuous  peculiarity  if  one  excepts  the  ancient 
and  wide  arched  doorway  in  the  center  and  the 
wooden  latticing  over  the  windows.  Originally  it 
had  been  the  Capitol  of  the  country,  later  it  was 
converted  into  a  congressional  boarding-house, 
and  as  such  was  used  when  the  war  broke  out. 

A  glance  sufficed  to  show  that  this  was  no  place 
where  modern  science  had  helped  to  hold  secure 
the  prisoners  by  the  strength  of  the  walls  within 
or  without — that  it  was,  on  the  contrary,  one  of 
the  many  makeshifts  to  which  an  unexpected  war 
had  driven  the  authorities,  and  that  the  real  walls 
were  necessarily  the  bayonets,  the  bullets,  and 
above  all  the  incorruptibility  of  the  soldiers  who 
guarded  the  premises.  The  first  room  on  the 
ground  floor  as  one  entered  was  utilized  as  a 
guardroom,  and  was  occupied  by  the  relief  off 
duty.  The  room  adjoining  was  the  barracks. 
The  next  interior  room  was  the  office,  occupied  by 
the  superintendent,  clerk,  captain  of  the  guard, 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons 


77 


and  officer  in  command  of  the  guard  on  daily  duty. 
Here  parties  who  were  admitted  held  interviews 
with  the  prisoners  in  the  presence  of  the  guard. 
Here  also  prisoners  were  registered,  searched, 
admitted,  and  discharged.  The  clerk  sent  to  my 
office  every  morning  a  copy  of  his  register  on 
which  had  been  entered  the  prisoner's  name, 
rank,  and  residence,  the  offense  charged,  and  the 
officer  committing.  The  rest  of  the  ground  floor 
and  half  of  the  rooms  on  the  upper  floor  (front) 
were  occupied  by  prisoners  of  war  (rebel).  The 
rest  of  the  lower  floor  was  occupied  by  Union 
soldiers  under  sentence.  The  inner  rooms  were 
reserved  for  prisoners  of  State.  The  lower  floor 
of  the  addition  in  the  rear  was  used  as  a  washhouse 
and  a  dining-room,  and  the  upper  story  as  a 
hospital. 

The  officers  of  the  prison  were  a  superintendent 
(a  citizen),  and  his  assistant,  a  surgeon  and  hospi 
tal  steward,  and  a  captain  of  the  guard  who  was 
on  permanent  duty,  with  a  battalion  of  infantry. 
The  superintendent  derived  his  authority  directly 
from  the  Secretary  of  War.  The  following  shows 
his  powers  and  responsibilities: 

WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Feb.  13,  1862. 

Ordered,  That  William  P.  Wood  be  and  is  hereby 
Superintendent  of  the  Military  Prison  called  the  Old 
Capitol  Prison,  and  that  he  has  possession,  control,  and 
management  thereof,  and  of  the  prisoners  that  now 


78          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

are  or  hereafter  may  be  imprisoned  therein,  under  the 
orders,  rules,  and  regulations  that  shall  from  time  to 
time  be  prescribed  by  the  Provost  Marshal  with  the 
sanction  of  this  Department  or  that  shall  be  given  by 
the  Secretary  of  War. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON, 
Secretary  of  War. 

The  rules  framed  and  adopted  by  the  Secretary 
were,  in  substance,  that  no  person  be  admitted  to 
the  prison  except  on  a  pass  issued  by  the  Secretary 
of  War,  the  military  governor,  or  the  provost 
marshal,  and  that,  when  admitted,  he  be  permitted 
to  abide  there  for  only  fifteen  minutes  and  remain 
in  the  hearing  and  presence  of  a  commissioned 
officer;  that  prisoners  who  could  afford  it  were  to 
be  allowed  such  extras  of  food  as  they  wished ;  that 
none  were  to  be  allowed  to  communicate  together ; 
that  in  case  of  fire  the  prisoners  were  to  be  at 
once  assembled  in  the  yard. 

The  captain  commanding  the  guard  held  au 
thority  from  the  military  governor  and  provost 
marshal,  and  was  charged  with  the  safe  keeping 
of  the  prisoners. 

It  could  be  readily  foreseen  that  two  heads  of 
one  establishment — one  military  and  the  other 
civil,  deriving  their  power  from  different  sources — • 
must  needs  prove  very  great  friends  not  to  come 
into  conflict  by  the  overlapping  nature  of  their 
powers,  or  if  not  that,  be  brought  into  conflict  by 
receiving  orders  from  different  sources  that  were 
not  or  did  not  appear  consistent.  My  own  duties 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      79 

were  to  commit  to  this  prison:  (i)  all  prisoners  of 
war;  (2)  all  prisoners  of  State  arrested  by  officers 
under  me ;  (3)  all  prisoners  sent  me  by  the  State  or 
War  Departments,  and  to  inspect  every  room  once 
a  day.  For  releasing  prisoners  I  never  received 
any  orders.  Prisoners  of  war  were,  of  course, 
held  for  exchange.  But  as  for  the  release  of  the 
prisoners  of  state,  no  matter  by  whom  committed, 
even  if  by  myself,  the  inadequacy  of  provisions 
led  to  great  troubles,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

On  the  occasion  of  my  initial  visit  with  Dr. 
Stewart,  the  first  room  we  visited  was  that  of  Mrs. 
Rose  Greenhow,  imprisoned  on  a  charge  of  having 
been  instrumental  in  giving  Jefferson  Davis  the 
information  which  led  to  our  defeat  at  Bull  Run, 
and  of  being  too  useful  to  the  enemy  to  be  per 
mitted  at  large.  We  found  her  a  tall  but  well- 
formed  person,  about  forty-five  years  of  age, 
with  black  hair  that  was  beginning  to  turn  gray. 
She  had  black  eyes,  an  olive  complexion,  firm 
teeth,  and  small  hands  and  feet.  Her  carriage 
was  graceful  and  dignified,  her  enunciation  too 
distinct  to  be  natural,  and  her  manners  bordering 
on  the  theatrical.  She  had  with  her  her  daughter 
Rose,  a  child  about  eight  years  of  age.  In  her 
room  was  all  the  furniture  belonging  to  a  second- 
class  boarding-house,  in  which  bedroom  and 
sitting-room  are  combined — sewing  machine, 
books,  writing  desk,  and  writing  materials.  She 
was  actively  writing  when  we  entered  and,  when 
the  doctor  inquired  about  her  health,  deigned  no 


8o          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

reply.  As  we  were  going,  however,  she  inquired 
what  this  intrusion  meant  ?  Thereupon  the  doctor 
told  her  when  a  Union  man  called  on  a  Secessionist 
it  was  not  an  intrusion  but  a  favor.  This  doctor 
rasped  up  her  sensibilities.  To  me  alone  she  was 
always  communicative. 

Her  history  is  in  brief  as  follows :  Her  maiden 
name  was  McNeill.  She  was  born  in  Montgomery 
County,  Maryland,  and,  while  a  young  girl,  was 
with  her  sister  (who  married  Madison  Cutts  and 
is  the  mother  of  Mrs.  Douglas)  placed  under  the 
care  of  her  aunt,  Mrs.  Hill,  who  kept  the  old 
Congressional  boarding-house  in  the  Old  Capitol 
building, — the  same  wherein  she  was  afterwards 
imprisoned.  Here  she  attracted  the  attention  of 
Cave  Johnson  of  Tennessee,  who  escorted  her  to 
balls  and  parties  and  introduced  her  to  good 
society.  She  was  at  this  time  a  bright,  handsome, 
but  illiterate  country  girl,  and  her  fresh  charm 
drew  many  admirers.  Among  others  was  Green- 
how,  an  able  young  man,  translator  at  the  State 
Department,  who  kept  a  fine  establishment  and 
devoted  himself  absorbingly  to  abstruse  studies. 
Greenhow  finally  married  her. 

Surrounded  by  such  advantages,  the  vain  girl 
did  not  fail  to  promote  her  ambitions  and,  in  the 
circle  where  she  was  at  first  only  tolerated,  soon 
became  a  leader,  famous  for  her  beauty,  the 
brilliance  of  her  conversation,  her  aptitude  for 
intrigue,  the  royal  dignity  of  her  manners,  and  the 
unscrupulous  perseverance  with  which  she  accom- 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      81 

plished  whatever  she  set  her  heart  upon.  During 
her  married  life  she  lived  in  F  Street,  near  the 
Ebbitt  House,  and  there  all  her  children  were  born. 

In she  went  to  California  with  her  husband, 

who  was  killed  by  falling  down  a  grating  in  San 
Francisco.  Bringing  suit  against  the  city,  she 
recovered  damages.  After  her  return  to  Washing 
ton,  during  Buchanan's  Administration,  she  kept 
house  in  H  Street,  near  Fifteenth,  and  her  resi 
dence  was  the  great  headquarters  of  the  Dem 
ocracy.  There  was  much  gossip  at  this  time 
arising  from  the  intimacy  between  Mrs.  Greenhow 
and  the  President. 

When  the  Rebellion  broke  out,  she  was  living 
with  her  daughter  Rose  (then  about  six  years  of 
age), on  16^2  Street,  in  the  rear  of  Lafayette  Square 
and  nearly  opposite  the  White  House.  She  had 
lost  most  of  her  beauty  and  vivacity — the  society 
which  she  had  charmed  had  passed  away ;  still  her 
masterly  skill  in  managing  affairs  and  turning 
them  to  her  own  account,  or  to  that  of  her  friends, 
her  experience  in  parlor  diplomacy,  and  her  knowl 
edge  of  all  the  forces  which  reigned  at  the  Capitol 
made  her  still  very  formidable  for  good  or  for  evil. 
Her  love  of  notoriety  and  dread  of  sinking  back 
into  her  early  obscurity  would  have  brought  her 
into  prominence,  I  have  no  doubt,  under  a  peaceful 
administration  of  the  Republican  party.  But 
when  the  aristocracy  which  had  tolerated  her,  on 
account  of  her  usefulness,  was  arraying  its  forces 
at  Richmond  against  the  plebeians  who  treated 


82          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

her  with  scorn  at  Washington,  she  hesitated  not  an 
instant  to  throw  her  whole  weight  into  the  South 
ern  scale.  As  far  as  one  could  see,  her  object  was 
to  be  made  a  Southern  martyr,  to  gain  that 
applause  for  heroism  which  was  now  denied  her 
beauty,  and  permanently  to  secure  that  place 
among  the  "first  families"  which  her  obscure 
birth  had  always  rendered  doubtful.  Her  room 
became  a  favorite  rendezvous  of  Secessionists 
during  the  last  days  of  Buchanan's  Administration 
and  the  first  of  Lincoln's.  She  boasted  of  her 
success  in  beating  the  Union  Army  at  Bull  Run — 
and  I  have  no  doubt  the  moment  of  her  arrest 
was  the  happiest  of  her  life;  for  though  seized  at 
her  own  home  and  sent  to  the  Old  Capitol,  she  had 
the  gratification  of  reading  in  the  Northern  papers 
her  denunciation,  and  in  the  Richmond  journals 
her  eulogy.  During  her  stay  at  the  Old  Capitol, 
she  exerted  herself  to  be  as  troublesome  as  possible 
and  met  her  keepers  successively  with  flattery, 
coquetry,  denunciations,  and  finally  with  billings 
gate,  writing  letters  continually  to  every  one  she 
knew  about  the  military  authorities.  About  mid 
summer,  General  Wadsworth  grew  very  tired  of 
her,  and  sent  her  before  an  informal  commission 
of  citizens,  which  sat  behind  closed  doors.  This 
was  a  sore  disappointment  to  her  for  she  looked 
forward  to  the  notoriety  of  a  public  trial.  She 
wanted  to  be  estimated  a  dangerous  stateswoman, 
but  she  was  held  only  as  an  intermeddler  with 
politics  and  finally  sent  to  Richmond.  Meanwhile, 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons     83 

she  amused  herself  by  running  into  the  entry  and 
pointing  an  empty  pistol  at  the  head  of  the  guard, 
and  by  sewing  Secession  flags  on  her  machine  and 
hanging  them  out  of  the  window. 

From  Richmond  she  went  to  England  and  wrote 
a  book  claiming  that  the  victory  of  Bull  Run  was 
due  to  her  treachery.  On  her  return  she  perished 
miserably  by  drowning  in  Wilmington  Harbor, 
being  dragged  down,  according  to  the  account  at 
the  time,  by  the  English  sovereigns  realized  from 
the  sale  of  her  work.  I  imported  a  copy,  for 
which  I  paid  $16.00  in  gold. 

In  my  opinion,  it  was  a  mistake  to  arrest  her,  or, 
when  arrested,  to  keep  her  one  hour  in  Washington, 
as  the  real  Secession  families  of  the  District 
laughed  at  her  pretensions  and  would  have  nothing 
to  do  with  her. 

Another  female  prisoner  of  State  was  Mrs. 
Morris  of  Alexandria,  daughter  of  a  baker  in  the 
city.  She  was  charged  with  giving  intelligence 
to  the  enemy.  She  was  an  exceedingly  fascinating 
and  pretty  little  woman  of  about  thirty,  and  of  a 
temper  so  good  that  even  imprisonment  did  not 
sour  it.  She  always  had  a  word  of  badinage  for  the 
officers.  The  first  time  I  visited  her,  she  pointed 
to  the  opening  lines  of  Byron's  Prisoner  of  Chilian, 
written  over  her  mantel : 

"Eternal  Spirit  of  the  chainless  mind! 
Brightest  in  dungeons,  Liberty !  Thou  art. 
For  there  thy  habitation  is  the  heart — 
The  heart  which  love  of  Thee  alone  can  bind," 


84          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

and  wished  to  know  whether  we  expected  to  sub 
due  her.  She  referred  to  the  * '  inexorable  Danton ' ' 
(Stanton)  or  the  "Brigand  Sergeant"  (Brigade- 
Surgeon  Stewart?).  By  pretending  to  be  in 
deshabille  at  the  time  of  the  morning  inspection, 
she  used  to  worry  the  doctor  very  much. 

A  third  woman,  Mrs.  Bagsley,  was  about  fifty 
years  of  age,  and  was  the  most  defiant  and 
outrageous  of  all  the  female  prisoners. 

A  fourth  had  been  arrested  as  a  spy,  being 
dressed  in  men's  clothing,  and  still  wore  the 
masculine  garb.  All  of  these  women,  except  the 
last  mentioned,  who  cleared  herself,  were  sent  to 
Richmond.  At  first  they  were  allowed  free  access 
to  one  another's  rooms,  but  later  they  were  con 
fined  separately. 

The  arrested  officers  of  the  Union  Army  also 
had  a  high-ceilinged  room  on  this  floor,  provided 
with  bunks,  wood-fire,  and  benches;  but  one  officer 
was  confined  during  my  incumbency  of  the  office 
for  open  treason  on  the  field.  He  belonged  to  the 
Regulars  and  was  of  Southern  birth.  The  other 
officers  had  been  committed  because  of  offenses 
too  grave  to  admit  of  mere  official  arrest.  They 
were  either  serving  out  sentences  of  court-martial 
or  awaiting  summary  dismissal.  One  of  those 
incarcerated  was  an  officer  who,  when  drunk,  had 
repeatedly  denounced  the  President.  Another  had 
been  convicted  of  stealing,  another  was  guilty  of 
infamous  practices,  and  so  on. 

One  Sunday  afternoon,  while  going  the  rounds, 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      85 

I  found  here,  a  young,  slimly-built,  blue-eyed 
officer,  whose  shoulder  straps  indicated  that  he 
was  a  lieutenant-colonel.  He  informed  me  he 
belonged  to  a  New  York  cavalry  regiment,  had 
been  summarily  dismissed  for  using  disrespectful 
language  respecting  the  President,  and  had  been 
arrested  in  a  street-car  by  one  of  Baker's  detective 
force.  He  showed  me  a  copy  of  the  New  York 
Herald  and  asked  to  be  released  on  the  ground 
that,  in  accordance  with  the  statement  in  the 
paper,  he  was  no  longer  in  the  army.  I  asked  him 
to  write  me  a  letter  presenting  his  case  in  its 
entirety.  He  did  so.  Finding  that  he  had  an 
excellent  record,  had  come  to  Washington,  and 
while  under  the  influence  of  liquor  had  talked 
too  loudly  of  the  President,  I  recommended  his 
restoration  to  the  service.  He  was  accordingly 
restored.  By  next  summer  he  had  won  the  rank 
of  brigadier-general,  and  I  was  brigaded  with  him 
a  short  time.  He  later  became  one  of  our  most 
distinguished  cavalry  generals. 

The  excuse  most  officers  of  our  army  gave  for 
the  extraordinary  excesses  many  committed  on 
coming  to  Washington,  was  that  being  unused  to 
liquor  and  drinking  freely  of  the  vile  stuff  sold  in 
the  Capitol,  they  became  temporarily  insane.  It 
was  to  me  a  matter  of  surprise  that  so  many  of 
these  unfortunates,  who  were  often  of  good  family, 
were  degraded  for  this  species  of  insubordination, 
and  I  could  only  explain  it  by  taking  into  account 
the  American  habit  of  free  speech,  and  the  very 


86          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

violent  language  the  best  Union  men  employed 
during  our  reverses  against  the  powers  who 
conducted  the  war. 

Another  room  was  set  aside  for  Union  soldiers, 
privates  who  were  serving  out  sentences.  These 
offenders  were  on  the  lower  floor,  generally 
fastened  with  ball  and  chain.  They  gave  the  most 
trouble  and,  in  spite  of  the  utmost  vigilance,  were 
constantly  caught  in  the  act  of  escape. 

The  tier  of  rooms  facing  to  the  north  was 
occupied  by  rebel  officers  and  prisoners  of  State. 
The  former  were  generally  extremely  quiet  and 
submitted  to  their  confinement  with  excellent 
grace,  as  well  they  might,  for  they  were  very  well 
fed,  had  a  coal  grate  in  each  room,  lived  in  rooms 
accommodating  eight  or  ten,  had  cards,  news 
papers,  and  were  out  of  the  reach  of  bullets. 
Sometimes  they  tried  to  escape.  Two  had  already 
escaped  on  the  north  side  of  the  prison,  out  of  the 
second-story  window.  I  ordered  the  guard  to  be 
doubled  on  that  side.  In  the  morning  I  read  in 
the  daily  report  that  an  officer  of  the  Southern 
Army  had  been  shot  in  the  thigh  trying  to  escape 
and  was  not  expected  to  live.  The  surgeon  went 
down  and  amputated  his  limb.  He  died  in  the 
course  of  the  day.  Before  his  death  it  transpired 
that  he  had  been  in  collusion  with  the  guard  and 
had  paid  him  about  $70  for  conniving  at  his 
escape.  The  fellow  took  the  money  and  then, 
when  the  prisoner  was  half-way  out  of  the  window, 
ordered  him  back,  and  when  the  latter  refused, 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      87 

shot  him.  This  dastardly  fellow  was  ordered 
before  court-martial,  but  through  some  of  the 
loopholes  in  red-tape  he  managed  to  escape 
punishment. 

Every  day  for  an  hour,  when  the  weather 
permitted,  the  Confederate  as  well  as  all  other 
prisoners,  were  allowed  exercise  in  the  yard.  At 
such  times  there  were  great  comparings  of  notes 
and,  as  during  my  time  most  of  the  news  consisted 
of  the  rebel  victories  of  Jackson  and  the  defeats 
of  McClellan  before  Richmond,  the  congratula 
tions  and  boasts  were  not  stinted.  To  all  Union 
officers  the  Confederates  were  extremely  reserved 
and  haughty.  They  made  no  complaints  and 
asked  no  favors.  In  fact,  there  were  no  favors  to 
ask  which  they  had  not  already  been  accorded. 

The  Secretary  of  War  had  given  a  standing 
permission  to  three  leading  rebels  of  Washington 
to  bring  luxuries  to  these  prisoners,  and  they 
fared  sumptuously  every  day.  Whenever  they 
started  out  for  exchange,  they  were  equipped  by 
this  committee  with  brand-new  rebel  uniforms.  I 
could  never  exactly  reconcile  this  procedure  with 
good  loyalty,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  our 
own  men  were  treated  so  roughly  at  Richmond ;  and 
drew  up  a  report  to  that  effect  under  Martindale 
when  he  was  military  governor. 

For  example,  one  day  130  rebels  were  marched 
out,  under  escort  of  the  86th  N.  Y.,  to  the  steam 
boat  wharf,  where  they  were  put  on  board  one  of 
the  government  transports  bound  for  Fortress 


88          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Monroe.  Most  of  them  walked,  but  thirty  who 
were  sick,  followed  in  wagons.  Among  those  re 
leased  were  Lieutenant-Colonel  Reynolds,  taken  at 
Fort  Donelson,  Captain  Monaghan,  and  Richard 
Washington,  who  marched  in  front  of  the  proces 
sion.  All  of  these  prisoners  except  the  sick  had 
grown  fat  on  luxuries  provided  by  the  committee. 
The  same  body  had  supplied  them  with  full  Con 
federate  uniforms,  gray  pants,  coats,  caps,  some 
hats  with  black  feathers,  and  high-top  boots. 
The  released  prisoners  walked  as  if  they  were  in 
better  condition  for  service  than  they  had  ever 
been.  As  on  the  march  so  in  the  hospital  there 
was  no  luxury  or  medical  attendance,  no  appliance 
in  the  wards  of  sweet  air,  no  comfortable  beds  or 
mosquito  nets,  or  confections  which  they  did  not 
get  when  sick.  What  a  contrast  to  Andersonville 
and  Libby ! 

Among  the  prisoners  of  State  were  spies, 
blockade-runners,  Northern  editors,  contractors, 
mail- carriers,  smugglers,  hostages,  and  the  like. 
I  shall  refer  to  a  few  of  each  class. 

JAMES  CONNOR  was  sent  to  me  by  the  provost 
marshal  general  of  General  Sigel's  Corps,  charged 
with  being  a  rebel  spy.  The  allegations  were 
that  the  pickets  had  caught  him  hovering  about 
our  lines  and  within  them  in  a  suspicious  manner. 
Furthermore,  on  being  searched,  a  memorandum 
book  had  been  found  on  his  person  filled  with 
geographical  notes,  taken  between  Richmond  and 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      89 

Aquia  Creek,  together  with  Confederate  money 
and  papers. 

He  was  of  venerable  appearance,  heavily  built, 
old,  and  with  a  beard  of  bushy  white  hair.  He 
spoke  with  the  accent  and  had  the  manner  of  an 
educated  Englishman. 

The  story  he  gave  me  was  that  he  had  been  in 
business  as  an  iron  founder  at  Richmond,  and  that, 
being  thrown  out  of  employment,  he  had  deter 
mined  to  get  North  to  relatives  in  Canada  (whose 
address  he  could  not  give),  that  he  avoided 
our  pickets  from  fear  of  being  picked  up,  that 
the  memoranda  found  upon  him  he  had  kept 
pursuant  to  his  custom  of  jotting  down  note 
worthy  incidents  and  references  to  places  on  the 
way. 

The  judge  advocate  gave  the  case  a  patient 
hearing  and  after  a  thorough  examination  came 
to  the  conclusion  that  the  old  man's  simplicity 
was  assumed,  the  entries  in  his  diary  a  ruse  to 
cover  unwritten  observations  stored  up  in  his 
memory,  and  that  he  was  just  such  an  unsuspicious 
character  as  a  capable  general  would  select  for  a 
spy.  Accordingly,  as  a  spy  he  was  held. 

It  was  just  such  a  case  as  would  be  hopeless 
before  any  tribunal  which  assumes  that  the 
prisoner  is  guilty  and  expects  him  to  prove  himself 
innocent,  and  precisely  such  a  person  as  a  detec 
tive  would  believe  guilty  because  every  one  is 
in  his  estimation  as  acute  and  subtle  as  he  is 
himself. 


90          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

The  military  governor  had  his  doubts  and 
referred  the  testimony  to  me. 

Against  the  accused  were  these  facts :  General 
Winder  had  passed  him  North  (something  unusual). 
Stewart  had  passed  him  out  of  his  lines  (another 
unusual  circumstance) .  He  had  gathered  valuable 
information  on  the  route;  he  had  avoided  our 
pickets  as  a  scout;  he  had  a  map  of  the  country 
before  Washington  done  in  lead  pencil,  most 
useful  to  the  rebel  cavalry;  he  was  caught  inside 
our  lines  and  esteemed  a  spy  by  those  who  cap 
tured  him  as  well  as  by  the  provost  marshal  general 
of  the  army  and  the  judge  advocate. 

In  his  favor  stood  these  circumstances:  In 
his  diary  were  entered  reflections  of  a  moral 
nature  on  the  vandalism  of  both  parties  at  the 
grave  of  Washington,  such  as  an  intelligent  but 
indifferent  foreigner  might  make.  On  the  sup 
position  that  he  was  a  foreigner  out  of  a  job, 
making  his  way  to  Canada,  somewhat  eccentric 
in  his  habits  and,  therefore,  turned  loose  by  the 
Rebels,  it  appeared  clear  that  the  man's  story  was 
true. 

With  the  supposition  that  he  was  a  spy,  his 
conduct  scarcely  agreed.  The  bona-fide  spy, 
when  in  danger  of  capture,  hastens  to  give  himself 
up  and  requests  permission  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance,  pretends  to  hate  the  bogus  government, 
and  idolizes  the  old  flag.  Connor  did  not  care 
one  straw  for  the  differences  between  Lincoln  and 
Davis,  nor  for  the  oath  or  flag,  but  only  wanted 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      91 

liberty  to  go  to  work  on  British  soil.  I  released 
him. 

The  judge  advocate  was  not  satisfied.  To  test 
the  question,  we  got  detectives  to  trail  him.  After 
loitering  a  few  days  at  Washington  viewing  the 
public  buildings,  he  traveled  North  on  foot, 
made  his  way  slowly  through  New  York  State, 
and  crossed  into  Canada  at  Niagara  Falls.  His 
memorandum  book  was  still  kept  up  and  he  made 
notes  of  the  same  character  in  New  York  State 
as  he  did  in  Virginia. 

Occasionally,  however,  we  had  the  real  spy. 

HEADQUARTERS  PROVOST  MARSHAL'S  OFFICE, 
WASHINGTON,  Jan.  20,  1863. 

Major  RICHARDSON, 

Scott's  900  Cavalry. 

MAJOR: 

It  is  represented  at  these  Head  Quarters  that  I.  H. 
Boyle,  a  Captain  of  C.V.  A.,  and  a  member  of  Stewart's 
Staff,  is  at  present  staying  at  the  house  of  his  father, 
Dr.  Boyle,  in  U.  Marlboro,  Md.,  wearing  his  uniform 
and  defying  the  vigilance  of  the  Federal  authorities. 
It  being  very  desirable  to  increase  the  collection  of 
Confederate  officers  in  the  Old  Capitol  after  the  pro 
clamation  of  Jefferson  Davis,  you  are  directed  to 
send  a  force  sufficient  to  capture  him  and  bring  him 
to  these  Head  Quarters. 

Very   respectfully, 

W.  E.  DOSTER, 
Lieut.-Col.  &  Prov.  Marshal. 


92          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

HEADQUARTERS  MOUNTED  PROV.  GUARD, 

Jan.  21,  1863. 

Lieut.-Col.  W.  E.  DOSTER, 
Prov.  Marshal. 

SIR: 

I  respectfully  report  that  Lieutenant  French  left 
camp  last  night  at  10  P.M.  for  Marlboro,  Md.,  with 
1 6  men.  At  4  miles  beyond  Anacostia  Bridge  they 
overtook  6  detectives  of  the  War  Dept.  and  followed 
them  into  town.  He  was  unable  to  find  the  residence 
of  Dr.  Boyle,  being  answered  by  tho^e  of  whom  he 
made  'nquiries,  that  the  Doctor  had  left  town  six 
months  ago,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  obliged 
to  remain  in  an  old  barn  from  half  past  two  until  four 
o'clock,  when,  having  discovered  the  house,  he  sur 
rounded  it  with  his  force,  and,  entering  the  house 
himself,  found  Captain  Boyle  in  the  custody  of  the 
detectives,  who  reported  having  arrested  him  in  a 
house  where  he  usually  slept,  about  three  quarters  of  a 
mile  from  his  father's.  Captain  Boyle  admitted  that 
he  was  in  the  Rebel  service  and  on  Stewart's  Staff. 

The  Chief  of  Detectives  requested  to  be  escorted  to 
this  city  with  the  prisoner  by  Lieutenant  French's 
Detachment,  fearing  that  some  demonstration  might 
be  made  by  the  people  of  the  town,  which  request  was 
complied  with. 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

G.  W.  RICHARDSON,  Maj. 

On  his  person  were  found  communications  to 
and  from  the  Rebel  authorities. 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      93 

A  few  days  before  this,  Captain  CHARLES 
POWELL,  also  of  Stewart's  Cavalry,  was  captured 
within  our  lines  by  General  Sigel.  He  was  frank, 
acknowledged  his  identity,  and  showed  his  Con 
federate  commission.  He  stated  he  was  acting 
on  behalf  of  the  Confederate  Government.  He 
wore,  when  captured,  a  dark  overcoat,  which,  he 
said,  was  taken  at  Dunfries  from  one  of  our 
soldiers.  It  was  originally  light  blue,  like  all  the 
soldiers'  overcoats,  but  was  colored  by  the  use  of  a 
butternut  dye,  at  a  factory  at  Gordonsville,  where 
this  change  from  Federal  to  Confederate  went  on. 
These  men  were  both  confined  in  the  Old  Capitol. 
Miss  D.  M.  DIETZ  of  Alexandria  was  confined 
for  carrying  a  Rebel  mail  between  Richmond  and 
Baltimore,  and  was  captured  in  the  following 
manner : 

The  Secession  element  had  a  kind  of  crude 
organization  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  with 
three  separate  headquarters  where  secret  conclaves 
were  held,  letters  for  the  South  collected  and 
delivered,  and  plans  for  sending  intelligence  to  and 
aiding  prisoners  were  made.  These  were  also  the 
points  where  Southerners  gathered  to  rejoice  over 
our  defeats  or  lament  over  their  own.  To  deceive 
the  authorities,  their  headquarters  were  changed 
from  time  to  time.  Their  meetings  could  easily 
have  been  broken  up,  but  it  was  deemed  more 
prudent  to  introduce  detectives  and  checkmate 
them. 

One  of  these  rendezvous  was  on  Capitol  Hill, 


94          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

at  the  house  of  Mrs.  Phillips ;  another  on  yth  near 
E  Street,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  McAllister;  the  third, 
in  Georgetown,  at  the  house  of  Miss  Annie 
Mathews.  At  each  of  these  visited,  on  terms  of 
intimacy,  a  detective,  in  the  guise  of  refugee, 
paroled  prisoner  of  war,  or  Rebel  spy. 

To  assume  the  first  character — refugee,  the 
detective  needed  only  to  borrow  a  Southern 
butternut  suit  at  the  Old  Capitol  and  hail  from 
some  remote  region  in  the  South.  A  better  part 
was  that  of  paroled  prisoner,  to  act  which  the 
detective  had  first  to  study  well  the  local  geogra 
phy,  the  names  of  firms,  families,  and  streets  in 
Richmond — all  of  which  he  could  learn  in  the  Old 
Capitol.  The  most  efficient  part,  however,  was 
that  generally  adopted — Rebel  spy.  To  such  an 
agent  were  confided  the  more  secret  despatches 
and  the  greatest  danger  of  treason  was  averted 
through  the  intercepting  of  this  kind  of  intelli 
gence.  To  succeed  in  the  role  of  Rebel  spy,  the 
detective  had  to  have  a  good  knowledge  of  locali 
ties  and  families  in  Washington  and  Richmond  and 
the  intervening  region.  It  was  also  incumbent  on 
him  to  produce  credentials  from  prominent  men 
in  Northern  Virginia,  and  a  budget  of  letters  from 
the  South.  Of  the  last  mentioned  we  had  great 
numbers,  having  frequently  made  seizures  of 
mails,  and  having  acquired  collections  made  at 
the  headquarters  by  spurious  mail- carriers  and 
seizures  effected  before  the  missives  came  to  the 
carrier's  hands.  The  mail- carriers,  however,  got 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons     95 

shy  of  the  headquarters  and  gathered  and  distrib 
uted  letters  at  the  houses  of  persons  reputedly 
loyal.  The  arrival  or  departure  of  the  mail  was 
well  marked  by  the  great  rush  for  papers  to  the 
Old  Capitol  which  accompanied  these  events  to 
get  or  give  news  to  friends.  As  all  letters  written 
in  the  Old  Capitol,  or  addressed  to  those  incar 
cerated,  passed  through  my  hands,  the  messages 
enclosed  always  told  of  the  mail's  arrival  or  de 
parture.  Frequently  letters,  received  in  this  way 
by  outsiders,  were  sent  through  me  for  delivery 
or  by  prisoners  to  be  delivered  to  friends  for 
transmission  by  the  secret  mail.  But  who  carried 
them?  To  follow  the  clew  by  inquiring  of  the 
person  who  received  them  was  futile.  "They 
were  put  under  the  door  during  the  night  and 
found  in  the  morning,"  or  "an  unknown  person 
left  them  without  saying  one  word. " 

The  detectives  tried  in  vain  to  deliver  letters 
to  the  carriers  direct.  They  were  permitted  to 
drop  their  letters  into  a  bag.  They  watched  the 
bag,  but  it  disappeared  mysteriously.  It  was 
necessary  to  adopt  an  entirely  new  policy.  For 
three  weeks  all  detectives  were  withdrawn  from 
Secession  circles;  at  the  end  of  that  time  these 
wary  agents  had  lost  some  of  their  t  midity. 

A  letter  now  came  to  the  Old  Capitol  men 
tioning  incidentally  news  received  from  the  South 
that  day.  Through  the  persons  who  wrote  it,  it 
was  ascertained  that  a  mail-carrier  had  been  at 
Washington  that  day  and  would  return  next  day 


96          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

to  receive  her  mail  matter  at  a  house  in  the  neigh 
bourhood  of  1 3th  Street  and  New  York  Avenue. 
The  detectives  patrolled  the  neighborhood  but 
reported  the  presence  of  no  suspicious-looking 
woman  in  the  vicinity. 

The  same  day  (Saturday)  I  passed  through  the 
Guard  House  and  found  in  an  upper  cell  a  young 
woman  begging  piteously  to  be  released.  She 
stated  that,  on  passing  the  Old  Capitol,  she  had 
waved  her  handkerchief  to  an  acquaintance, 
whereupon  the  guard  had  arrested  her.  The 
captain  of  the  guard  in  making  the  arrest  had  only 
complied  with  the  standing  orders.  Her  act  was,  of 
course,  only  a  minor  offence  in  itself.  I  examined 
the  record  and  found  it  agreed  with  her  story, 
whereupon  I  released  her.  Her  name  was  D.  M. 
Dietz  of  Alexandria.  On  arriving  at  my  office, 
one  of  the  detectives  reported  that  he  had  suc 
ceeded  in  securing  the  name  and  description  of  the 
mail-carrier  that  was  to  be  at  I3th  Street  and  New 
York  Avenue,  but  who  had  not  made  her  appear 
ance.  It  was  D.  M.  Dietz,  the  very  person  I  had 
just  released!  The  subject  of  so  much  planning 
had  been  captured  and  released  by  mistake. 
Instant  orders  for  her  re-arrest  were  sent  to  the 
guard  house,  but  she  had  already  boarded  a  train 
from  which  she  alighted  when  a  few  miles  outside 
the  city.  A  despatch  to  Baltimore  ordering  her 
arrest  was  unavailing. 

However,  she  was  known  by  name  and  by  sight 
and  was  soon  afterwards  captured  in  Washington. 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      97 

Her  association  with  the  carrying  of  the  last  mail 
was  then  established  beyond  a  doubt. 

The  following  will  give  the  reader  some  idea  of 
the  contents  of  a  Georgetown  rebel  mail : 

ABSTRACT 

Miss  M.  "Beauregard"  H.  of  Georgetown  forwards 
letters  to  Mrs.  D.,  Richmond,  by  the  latter 's  brother. 
Is  a  bitter  Secessionist  and  evidently  knows  the  secrets 
of  the  mail  route.  Who  is  Mrs.  D.'s  brother?  Miss 
A.  M.  of  Georgetown  writes  to  Mr.  A.  E.  M.  Rich 
mond.  Speaks  of  "Billy"  being  married  to  Miss  M. 
Says  she  writes  with  the  O.  C.  P.  staring  her  in  the  face. 
Her  servant  Ann  was  recently  married  to  Mr.  I.  D.'s 
man.  " Pussy  s"  uncle  left  Georgetown,  carried  with 
him  $1000.  in  gold.  Lucy  at  School  in  Germantown, 
near  Philada. 

Mrs.  L.,  Georgetown  (sister  of  Mr.  T.),  writes  to  her 
daughter  Miss  V.  at  H.  T.,  Virginia.  Says  S.  keeps  his 
trunks  packed  to  go  to  Dixie  if  he  is  drafted.  Has  a 
son  I.  in  the  South.  Mrs.  P.,  sister  of  Mrs.  B.  whose 
husband  is  in  the  State  Department  at  Richmond,  is 
staying  with  Mrs.  L. 

Miss  A.  (sister  of  I.  R.)  writes  to  him  at  Mobile, 
Ala.  H.  E.  Q.  of  E.  36th  St.,  N.  Y.,  also  writes  to  him. 

P.  F.  B.,  Georgetown,  writes  to  Mr.  I.  S.  B.  at  C.  C. 
H.,  mentions  receiving  a  letter  by  Miss  A.  M.  B. 
also  writes  to  the  Rev.  Dr.  N.  at  Richmond. 

The  Rev.  T.  C.  Conrad,  a  schoolmaster  of 
Georgetown,  was  arrested  for  teaching  his  scholars 
the  heresy  of  Secession,  holding  communication 
with  the  enemy,  and  sending  his  boys  as  recruits 


98          Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

to  Lee's  army.  He  was  held  in  the  Old  Capitol. 
The  Rev.  Dr.  Nouse  and  General  Rogers  were 
arrested  at  Middleburg,  Virginia,  as  prominent 
Secessionists,  and  held  as  hostages  for  the  good 
behavior  of  the  Government  of  the  Confederacy 
towards  Union  men  captured  by  the  Rebels  at 
Fredericksburg.  The  Right  Rev.  Bishop  Wilmer, 
who  had  gone  South  with  his  family  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  war,  ran  the  blockade  with  letters 
from  Jefferson  Davis  and  other  prominent 
leaders  of  the  Confederacy,  deputing  him,  as  the 
delegate  of  the  Southern  wing  of  the  Episcopal 
Church,  to  go  to  England  and  institute  fraternal 
relations  with  the  Church.  The  Bishop  was 
caught  by  Harwood's  fleet  and  examined.  He  was 
a  most  virulent  Secessionist  in  spite  of  his  cloth, 
and  chafed  much  at  the  indignity  of  arrest.  His 
explanation  of  his  mission  was  to  the  effect  that 
he  was  sent  to  collect  bibles  for  the  Southern 
churches. 

General  Martindale,  who  examined  Bishop 
Wilmer,  had  no  doubt  that  he  was  a  Southern 
commissioner,  instructed  to  get  all  the  English 
aid  possible  by  using  his  influence  in  the  Church 
of  England  to  carry  out  the  plans  of  Davis.  He 
was  sent  to  the  Old  Capitol,  but  to  spare  him 
the  humiliation  of  incarceration  and  out  of 
respect  for  his  cloth,  he  was  assigned  to  the 
parlor  of  the  superintendent's  house. 

A  lawyer,  a  wealthy  farmer  of  Marlboro, 
and  a  merchant  of  Colesville  were  sent  to  the  Old 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons      99 

Capitol  for  aiding  and  abetting  the  desertion  of 
Union  soldiers. 

As  the  roads  around  Washington  were  closely 
guarded  and  a  strong  circle  of  pickets  was  thrown 
about  Baltimore,  it  was  an  extremely  hazardous 
undertaking  for  Federal  soldiers  to  pass  through 
either  city  without  being  challenged  or  required 
to  show  authority  for  their  absence.  Every  train 
that  left  Washington  for  the  North,  besides  being 
examined  en  route,  was  also  inspected  by  guards 
who  entered  at  Annapolis  Junction.  After  the 
first  few  battles  of  the  Peninsula,  when  most  of 
our  troops  smelt  powder  for  the  first  time,  it  was 
found  that  many  deserters  from  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  turned  up  in  Baltimore  and  were  there 
arrested.  There  was,  it  was  obvious,  either  great 
negligence  or  corruption  among  the  Washington 
police,  or  else  an  underground  railroad  passing 
around  Washington.  The  former  hypothesis  was 
not  long  tolerated,  the  visits  of  the  officers  of  the 
day  showing  great  vigilance,  and  the  frequent 
changes  in  troops  forbidding  such  systematic 
connivance  as  the  multitude  of  deserters  implied. 

At  length,  under  promises  of  freedom,  a  deserter 
confessed  that  he  had  been  shipped  North  by  a 
Rebel  agency,  which  furnished  rations  and  supplied 
transportation  by  steamboat  between  Alexandria 
and  Baltimore  over  a  circuitous  route  entirely 
free  from  pickets.  The  particulars  were  as  follows : 
At  Alexandria  the  deserter  was  taken  by  an  agent 
to  a  private  ferry  and  ferried  over  the  Potomac 


ioo        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

to  the  Leonards  town  Road.  Here  he  met  many 
other  deserters  and  together  they  were  carried  by 
stages  through  Long  Old  Field  and  Upper  Marl 
boro  to  Fair  Haven  on  the  Chesapeake  shore. 
Thence  they  were  conveyed  by  a  steamer  to  Balti 
more.  During  the  trip  they  were  supplied  gratis 
with  citizens'  clothing,  food,  passage,  and  money. 
With  this  information  before  me,  I  determined  to 
make  an  end  of  the  business. 

Two  private  soldiers  of  the  86th  N.  Y.  were 
dressed  in  their  ordinary  uniforms  and  ordered  to 
go  to  Alexandria  and  allow  themselves  to  be 
shipped  to  Baltimore  by  the  new  route.  They 
were  to  note  the  names  and  the  appearances  of  the 
parties  who  assisted  them  to  reach  their  destina 
tion.  At  the  same  time,  they  were  strictly  charged 
not  to  take  the  initiative,  and  to  distinguish 
sharply  between  friendship  offered  a  soldier  in 
the  way  of  hospitality  and  the  assistance  thrust  on 
the  deserter.  At  Baltimore  they  would  be  picked 
up  as  deserters  and,  of  course,  returned  to  Forrest 
Hall  Prison,  whence,  by  an  understanding  with 
the  officer  in  charge,  they  were  to  be  liberated  and 
at  once  make  their  report. 

A  week  elapsed  before  I  heard  anything  of  my 
counterfeit  deserters.  I  began  to  fear  they  had 
been  discovered  or  that  some  untoward  incident 
had  befallen  them.  At  length  they  arrived  and 
reported.  They  told  the  same  story  as  that 
related  by  the  real  deserter,  with  the  additional 
feature  that  an  agent  on  the  steamer  distributed 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons, . 

citizens'  clothing  and  gave  directions  h'o\$-  aft'e'v 
reaching  Baltimore  to  proceed  North. 

Orders  were  given  for  the  simultaneous  arrest 
of  all  the  agents  along  the  route  and  the  seizure 
of  their  line  of  stages  and  steamboats.  Four 
detachments  of  cavalry  consisting  each  of  one 
commissioned  officer  and  ten  men  were  detailed 
to  surprise  Alexandria,  Long  Old  Field,  Marl 
boro,  and  Fair  Haven.  They  were  to  move  by 
circuitous  routes  and  each  make  its  seizures  at 
six  in  the  morning.  They  succeeded  in  their 
undertaking  and  at  three  o'clock  next  day  the 
entire  Rebel  agency  for  Federal  deserters  rode 
down  the  avenue  in  its  own  coaches  to  the  Old 
Capitol. 

Desertion  by  this  route  ceased. 

BELLE  BOYD  was  a  lively,  spirited  young  lady, 
full  of  caprices  and  a  genuine  Rebel.  In  person 
she  was  tall,  with  light  hair  and  blue  eyes.  Her 
features  were  too  irregular  to  be  pretty.  It  was 
her  dashing  manner  (fashioned  after  Lady  Gay 
Spanker),  and  air  of  joyous  recklessness  which 
made  her  interesting.  At  the  time  of  her  arrest 
she  was  living  with  her  father,  a  farmer,  beyond 
Winchester,  and  became  known  for  the  influence 
her  coquetry  acquired  over  the  Union  officers 
under  Banks,  and  for  the  information  she  gave 
Jackson.  I  never  saw  the  charges  against  her,  as 
she  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War, 
but  the  detective  who  arrested  her  told  me  that 


102         Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

&he-  had-  been  employed  as  a  Confederate  scout, 
riding  between  the  lines  of  the  two  armies  and 
equally  intimate  at  the  headquarters  of  each. 
She  was  taken  to  the  room  formerly  occupied  by 
Mrs.  Morris  and,  as  she  was  at  the  time  the  only 
woman  prisoner  in  Washington,  was  well  pleased 
with  the  attention  of  which  she  found  herself  the 
object. 

The  first  time  I  called  on  her,  she  was  reading 
Harper's  and  eating  peaches.  She  remarked  she 
could  afford  to  remain  here,  if  Stanton  could 
afford  to  keep  her.  There  was  so  much  company 
and  so  little  to  do.  Besides,  it  was  an  excellent 
chance  to  brush  up  her  literature  and  get  her 
wedding  outfit  ready.  This  defiant  indifference 
soon  subsided.  Open  air  and  horseback  exercise 
were  in  her  case  constitutional  necessities.  She 
soon  began  to  languish  and  begged  to  be  permitted 
to  walk  out  in  the  company  of  an  officer.  The 
Secretary,  to  whom  the  request  was  referred,  re 
fused  to  grant  the  permission.  Then  she  became 
subdued,  always,  however,  jesting  with  the  surgeon 
and  asking  when  he  intended  to  give  her  the  medi 
cine  he  had  prescribed — freedom?  During  the 
whole  stay,  she  was  never,  to  my  knowledge,  found 
in  ill-humor,  but  bravely  endured  a  tedious  and 
companionless  imprisonment. 

She  used  to  say  she  was  a  Rebel  to  the  backbone 
and,  if  she  had  the  chance,  intended  to  help  the 
Confederate  cause  all  she  could. 

After  about  three  weeks'  imprisonment,  she  was 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons    103 

sent,  much  against  her  will,  to  Richmond.  She 
said  she  was  engaged  to  marry  an  officer  of  the 
Rebel  Army  and  wanted  to  buy  her  trousseau  in 
Washington  before  leaving.  Of  course,  the  Secre 
tary  would  not  listen  to  the  suggestion.  After  she 
arrived  at  Richmond,  however,  she  sent  a  schedule 
of  the  articles  she  wanted  to  Mr.  Wood,  the  super 
intendent,  who,  I  understood,  forwarded  them  to 
her  under  flag  of  truce. 

One  day  there  called  upon  me  a  young  gentleman 
of  twenty,  one  of  the  Maryland  branches  of  the 
Lee  family  (who  are  divided  into  the  Red  Lees  and 
the  Black  Lees,  General  Lee  being  a  Black  Lee). 
He  reported  himself  as  paroled  by  General  Porter. 
He  had  early  in  the  war  run  off  from  Richmond 
and  had  been  caught  in  Maryland,  where  he  was 
visiting  a  young  lady  of  whom  he  was  enamored.  I 
could  find  no  register  of  his  parole,  but  suffered  him 
to  continue  as  if  on  parole.  He  took  the  oath  of 
allegiance  and  appeared  to  become  thoroughly 
Union  in  his  sentiments.  He  afterwards  applied 
for  permission  to  join  his  relatives  in  Richmond. 
He  offered  his  parole  of  honor  not  to  join  the 
Confederate  forces.  His  request  was  granted  and 
he  was  exchanged. 

Nevertheless,  he  soon  turned  up  in  the  Con 
federate  Army.  It  is  charitable  to  assume  that 
he  was  obliged  to  serve. 

I  was  acquainted  with  the  son  of  our  Minister 
to  Copenhagen  and  received  a  call  from  him.  He 
was  at  the  time  a  student  of  Georgetown  College. 


iO4        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

When  I  returned  the  call  about  a  month  later,  he 
informed  me  that  he  had  run  the  blockade  to 
Richmond  and  returned  perfectly  disgusted  with 
the  Confederacy.  He  seemed  then  perfectly 
loyal.  I  heard  nothing  further  from  him  for 
some  four  months.  Then  he  wrote  me  a  letter 
from  the  Old  Capitol.  I  visited  him  and  found  him 
a  prisoner  of  war,  utterly  demoralized  and  out  of 
funds.  He  wanted  to  take  the  oath.  This  time, 
however,  he  was  sent  back  and  exchanged. 

The  most  perfect  farce  ever  played  was  the  par 
doning  of  prisoners  at  the  Old  Capitol,  or  the 
administering  of  the  oath  of  allegiance.  The 
prisoners  used  to  take  the  oath  under  duress  and 
considered  themselves  not  bound  to  observe  it 
because  they  were  not  free  agents  when  the 
obligation  was  assumed. 

WILLIAM  P.  WOOD,  the  superintendent,  was  an 
ex-soldier,  ex-filibuster,  and  ex-model-maker.  He 
had  served  in  Mexico,  in  the  Mounted  Rifles  3d 
Regulars,  in  Captain  Andrew  Porter's  Company 
(afterwards  general  provost  marshal).  He  then 
joined  Walker's  Nicaragua  expedition  and  finally 
was  model-maker  at  Washington,  where  as  a 
witness  in  the  Woodworth  patent  case  he  made 
the  acquaintance  of  Edwin  M.  Stanton.  Stanton 
afterwards  appointed  him  superintendent.  He  was 
in  many  respects  a  remarkable  man — short,  ugly, 
and  slovenly  in  his  dress;  in  manner  affecting 
stupidity  and  humility,  but  at  bottom  the  craftiest 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons    105 

of  men.  For  some  reason,  which  no  one  could 
fathom,  he  was  deeper  in  the  War  Office  than  any 
man  at  Washington,  and  it  was  commonly  said 
that  Stanton  was  at  the  head  of  the  War  Office 
and  Wood  at  the  head  of  Stanton.  I  remember 
once  that  rinding  occasion  to  make  some  rule 
sanctioned  by  the  Secretary,  and  demanding 
obedience  to  it,  Wood  refused  contemptuously 
to  carry  it  out,  and  on  my  applying  to  Assistant 
Secretary  Watson  for  a  special  order  to  enforce  it, 
Watson  told  me  that  when  the  order  giving  Wood 
unlimited  power  in  the  Old  Capitol  was  issued, 
Provost  Marshal  Porter  came  to  the  War  Depart 
ment  one  day  furious  with  rage,  saying  his  own 
orders  had  been  contemptuously  rescinded  by 
"that  dog  of  a  citizen  Wood,"  whom  he  used  to 
tie  up  by  the  thumbs  in  New  Mexico,  and  on  the 
ground  that  he  was  amenable  to  no  one  but  the 
Secretary  himself,  Porter  demanded  Wood's  in 
stant  dismissal  from  the  post.  Stanton  heard  him 
out  and  then  gave  him  the  alternative  either  of 
being  insulted  by  Wood  or  resigning  his  commis 
sion.  Porter  succumbed  but  hastened  to  go  into 
the  field  to  escape  the  hazy  atmosphere  of  Wash 
ington,  where  they  made  brigadier- generals  submit 
to  citizens. 

I  knew  very  well,  then,  that  it  was  dangerous  to 
interfere  with  Wood.  But  I  was  so  placed  that  in 
obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  military  governor, 
I  was  obliged  to  visit  daily  all  the  prisoners.  I 
could  not  see  them  innocently  imprisoned  without 


io6        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

making  an  effort  to  have  them  released;  and  I 
considered  it  preeminently  my  right  to  release 
persons  committed  by  me,  whenever  I  deemed  it 
just  they  should  be  liberated. 

The  captain  of  the  guard,  too,  could  never  as  a 
soldier  stand  under  a  civilian  and  these  circum 
stances  caused  continual  friction. 

The  great  fault  of  this  prison  (and  one  for  which 
the  Secretary  is  and  ought  to  be  blamed)  was  that 
it  operated  like  a  rat-trap — there  was  only  a  hole 
in  but  no  hole  out;  in  other  words,  plenty  of  pro 
vision  for  arresting  people,  but  none  for  trying 
them  or  disposing  of  their  cases. 

Baker  could  arrest,  the  detectives  could  arrest, 
the  military  governor  could  arrest,  the  provost 
marshal  could  arrest,  the  Secretary  and  each  of 
his  two  assistants  could  arrest,  but  none  of  them 
could  discharge  without  running  great  risk  of 
getting  into  trouble  with  some  or  all  of  the  others. 

The  consequence  was  that  the  prison  was 
constantly  crowded  with  people,  many  of  whom, 
when  their  cases  came  to  be  investigated,  had 
waited  for  a  longtime  to  offer  a  simple  explanation. 

General  Wadsworth  felt  this  matter  very 
keenly,  and  could  never  allude  to  it  without  ex 
pressing  his  indignation  at  the  Secretary's  policy. 
"It  they  are  guilty,"  he  said,  "this  imprisonment 
is  too  light, — if  they  are  innocent,  a  day's  confine 
ment  is  too  long."  But  nobody  was  responsible. 
The  charges  against  the  people  incarcerated  by 
order  of  the  Secretary  were  on  file  in  the  War  Office, 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons    107 

but  neither  I  nor  the  Governor  were  allowed,  as  a 
rule,  either  to  see  the  prisoners  or  to  hear  what  was 
alleged  against  them. 

As  for  those  arrested  by  order  of  our  office,  or 
committed,  as  was  often  the  case,  by  scores, 
sent  in  fr  m  a'l  parts  of  the  country,  I  visited 
daily  each  chamber  occupied  by  such,  let  every 
occupant  tell  me  his  story,  and,  if  it  seemed 
truthful,  asked  him  to  commit  it  to  writing  and 
send  it  to  me.  Days  were  then  appointed  for  the 
examination  of  special  cases,  and  if  I  was  convinced 
that  the  accused  was  innocent  of  the  charges,  I 
released  him  at  the  office.  As  long  as  I  did  this, 
all  went  smoothly.  But  the  moment  I  sent  an 
order  down  to  the  superintendent  or  to  the  cap 
tain  to  release  any  prisoner  of  whose  innocence  I 
was  convinced,  the  superintendent  would  bring 
charges  against  me  at  the  War  Department,  which 
I  was  obliged  to  answer.  This,  then,  was  the 
situation — to  commit  was  meritorious,  to  release 
was  criminal, — and  this  continued  so,  in  aggra 
vated  form  until  I  went  away. 

The  military  governor  at  length  secured  the 
consent  of  the  War  Office  to  the  establishment  of 
a  commission,  which  sat  about  a  month  after  our 
coming  thither  and  disposed  of  the  cases  then  on 
hand.  But  the  great  multitude  of  prisoners  which 
arrived  every  week  required  the  constant  sitting 
of  a  board  of  officers.  This  was  detailed  and  very 
successfully  acted  on  the  cases  submitted  to  it. 
The  difficulty  was  that  the  board  only  remedied 


io8        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

the  one  evil  (which  was  the  greater,  it  is  true); 
they  could  only  release,  but  neither  acquit  nor 
punish.  Furthermore,  the  board  passed  judg 
ment  only  on  prisoners  of  war  and  on  our  own 
soldiers  confined  under  grave  charges  and  not  on 
the  cases  of  prisoners  of  State.  Immediately  after 
the  battle  of  Bull  Run  I  resolved  to  test  the  ques 
tion  whether,  of  all  this  crowd  of  citizen  offenders, 
no  one  could  be  punished  by  a  severer  sentence 
than  "to  be  held  until  further  orders." 

A  mail  carrier  of  Washington  named  Vincent 
had  gone  out  on  the  field  of  Bull  Run  and  had 
been  captured  with  other  Union  nurses. 

After  they  were  all  exchanged  and  again  in 
Washington,  three  of  these  nurses  came  to  the  of 
fice  and  testified  that,  while  at  Richmond,  Vincent 
had  in  their  presence  cursed  the  Washington 
government,  had  given  the  Rebels  a  complete 
plan  of  our  fortifications,  and  had  been  as  useful 
to  them  as  he  possibly  could  be,  even  boasting 
that  he  had  been  willingly  captured  for  that 
purpose.  He  had,  furthermore,  invited  the  Rebels 
to  his  house  should  they  come  to  Washington. 

The  order  of  the  President  directing  civilians 
to  be  court-martialed  in  certain  cases,  as  provided 
for  by  Act  of  Congress,  had  then  been  issued.  I 
preferred  the  necessary  charges  against  Vincent 
and  sent  them  up. 

The  Secretary  sent  them  back,  first,  with  the 
remark  that  treason  was  not  a  military  offense 
and  not  triable  by  court-martial  or  commission. 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons    109 

They  were  corrected  and  returned  disapproved  as 
it  was  impossible  to  try  a  citizen  without  declaring 
martial  law. 

Accordingly,  I  released  Vincent  on  bail  upon  the 
doctor's  representation  that  he  had  consumption 
and  was  slowly  wasting  away. 

For  this  release  I  was  then  charged  by  Wood 
with  disloyalty,  and  called  to  account  by  the 
Secretary.  This  was  the  Secretary's  method:  if 
you  tried  to  punish  traitors,  it  was  wrong ;  if  you 
let  them  go,  it  was  wrong  too. 

I  do  not  know  that  the  consequences  of  the 
Secretary's  system  of  jail  without  jail-delivery 
were  very  serious  except  in  one  case.  It  is  true 
that  when  I  did  see  those  who  suffered  from  it,  as 
happened  occasionally  by  mistake,  they  expressed 
an  amount  of  settled  revenge  such  as  "cutting  his 
heart  out,"  "following  him  to  his  dying  day," 
and  the  like,  which  were  sufficient  to  have  terri 
fied  him  had  he  heard.  It  is,  however,  not  very 
flattering  to  the  consistency  of  the  hatred  of  the 
American  people  to  know  that  those  who  expressed 
the  greatest  and  most  enduring  vengeance  ap 
peared  to  forget  their  set  purpose  as  soon  as  they 
were  liberated,  and  seemed  rather  anxious  that 
other  people  should  forget  it  likewise.  If  the 
Secretary  acted  on  that  principle,  he  had  nothing 
to  fear  from  retribution. 

There  was  a  captain  of  the  Regulars,  Elwood  by 
name,  who  mustered  me  into  the  army,  and  was 
mustering  and  disbursing  officer  at  Washington. 


no        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

He  was  a  rather  weak-minded  gentleman,  but 
amiable  and  courteous.  On  suspicion  of  his 
having  taken  monies  of  the  Government  for  his 
own  use,  Stanton  arrested  him  and  sent  him  to 
Carrol  Prison.  I  knew  that  he  had  disappeared 
but  could  only  conjecture  what  his  fate  was.  One 
day  I  read  in  my  morning  report  from  the  captain 
commanding  that  one  of  the  prisoners  had  com 
mitted  suicide,  and  was  ordered  by  the  Secretary 
the  evening  after  to  hold  an  inquest.  I  sent  for 
the  coroner  to  do  that  and  at  the  same  time 
summoned  a  few  officers  to  attend.  We  found  poor 
Elwood,  his  throat  cut  by  his  pen-knife,  on  the 
floor  of  a  little  inner  chamber,  where  he  had  been 
lying  since  the  previous  night.  The  inquest 
decided  he  came  to  death  by  suicide. 

The  fact  was  that  this  gentleman  had  been 
snatched  away  without  warning  from  his  wife 
and  children,  who  lived  at  Washington,  kept 
three  months,  as  far  as  I  could  learn,  without 
communicating  with  a  soul  except  the  silent 
keeper  who  brought  him  his  meals,  and  a  detective 
of  the  War  Department,  who  daily  went  up, 
made  him  confess  to  all  sorts  of  things,  badgered 
and  confused  him,  and  finally  so  mixed  up  his 
mind  that  in  despair  he  took  his  own  life. 

Several  very  pertinent  questions  suggested 
themselves  to  the  minds  of  the  officers  who  saw 
this  body.  Why  was  not  this  officer  tried  by 
court-martial  ? 

Why,  if   he  was   guilty,  was  it   necessary   to 


Old  Capitol  and  Carrol  Prisons    in 

worm  confessions  out  of  him  by  detectives  ?  Who 
ever  authorized  any  Secretary  of  War  to  arrest 
Regular  officers  through  spies,  or  place  them  under 
espionage?  Whoever  before  dared  to  deprive 
an  officer  of  his  right  to  appeal  to  the  President, 
his  next  superior  officer? 

A  lieutenant  in  my  regiment,  a  brother-in-law 
of  the  officer,  came  afterwards  to  claim  on  behalf 
of  his  family,  his  relatives'  effects,  which  I  under 
stand  he  failed  to  secure. 

This  brings  me  to  the  War  Department  and 
its  secret  police. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   WAR   DEPARTMENT  AND    ITS  HEAD, 
1862-63 

UNDER  a  military  officer  at  the  head  of  the 
War  Office,  it  is  not  likely  that  a  subordinate  like 
the  provost  of  Washington  would  have  often 
come  into  contact  with  the  Secretary  or  his 
assistant. 

One  versed  in  the  science  and  routine  of  war 
would  not  in  all  probability  have  wasted  much  of 
his  time  in  attention  to  local  matters  at  the 
Capitol,  especially  not  those  entrusted  to  the 
secret  police.  Had  one  so  versed  found  it  neces 
sary  to  interfere  he  would  have  transacted  his 
business  with  the  military  governor  or  later  with 
the  commander  of  the  department  of  Washington. 

The  Secretary,  however,  and  his  assistant, 
Watson,  were  lawyers  and  Washingtonians — 
that  is  to  say,  they  were  no  respecters  of  army 
routine  and  were  too  familiar  with  Washing 
tonians  to  be  able  to  let  local  matters  quite  alone, 
and  so  they  busied  themselves  very  much  with  the 
duties  of  the  provost  marshal,  and  skipped  the 
military  governor  and  department  commander 
in  their  communications. 

112 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    113 

In  this  I  could  not  see  much  policy,  as  there  was 
no  honor  or  glory  to  be  gathered  in  such  things  by 
a  Minister  of  War;  on  the  other  hand,  a  great  deal 
of  odium,  that  he  could  have  shifted  on  other 
shoulders,  was  inevitable. 

I  have  no  doubt  that  acting  as  he  did,  the  Secre 
tary  was  inspired  partly  by  a  sense  of  duty, 
partly  by  a  desire  to  oversee  in  person  the  smallest 
as  well  as  the  greatest  matters,  partly  by  the  desire 
to  convince  people  that  his  reputation  for  in 
corruptibility  and  his  talent  for  stopping  Govern 
ment  frauds,  because  of  which  he  was  appointed, 
were  deserved. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  although  Wadsworth  and 
Martindale  were  my  ostensible  superiors,  my  real 
immediate  superiors,  from  whom  after  a  while  I 
received  my  orders  directly  and  to  whom  I  either 
reported  directly  or  through  the  military  gov 
ernor,  were  Edwin  M.  Stanton  and  Philip  H. 
Watson. 

The  following  were  the  circumstances  under 
which  I  received  my  first  impressions  of  the 
Secretary : 

One  of  Blenker's  German  quartermasters  had 
been  arrested  by  Wadsworth 's  order  for  swindling 
the  Government.  On  being  searched,  about 
$700  were  found  on  his  person, — too  much,  in 
the  general's  estimation,  for  an  honest  quarter 
master  to  have  about  him.  The  accused  was 
committed  for  a  further  hearing.  The  same  day 
a  young  and  interesting-looking  young  German 


ii4        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

woman  came  and  begged  with  tears  for  the  release 
of  the  "lieutenant,"  and  when  that  was  denied, 
she  said  he  was  her  husband  and  that  by  his 
imprisonment  her  means  of  support  had  been 
entirely  cut  off.  There  were  at  this  time  many 
soldiers'  wives  in  Washington;  also  many  mis 
tresses  claiming  to  be  wives,  and  Wadsworth 
would  not  do  anything  for  her.  Shortly  there 
after  I  received  an  order  to  report  myself  at 
once  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  I  did  so,  and  found 
the  German  woman  sitting  on  the  sofa  and  Mr. 
Stanton  standing  by  her  side.  When  I  entered, 
he  wanted  to  know  why  this  woman  was  not 
relieved.  I  told  him  the  general  had  no  evidence 
that  she  was  what  she  claimed  to  be — a  wife,  but 
was  inclined  to  think  she  was  the  mistress  of  the 
accused.  "Well,"  said  Stanton,  "give  her  a 
weekly  allowance  out  of  the  money  seized  until 
you  can  find  out  what  she  is." 

Here  was  certainly  justice,  quick  and  safe, 
and  with  a  strong  leaning  to  the  side  of  mercy. x 

After  this  I  was  summoned  almost  daily  and 
heard  him  give  audience  and  despatch  business. 
At  10  A.M.  and  3  P.M.  he  gave  receptions,  each 
lasting  about  an  hour.  Before  his  entrance  the 
hall  and  reception  room  were  filled  with  an  eager 
crowd.  When  he  entered,  it  was  with  a  quick 
step.  He  stood  behind  a  high  writing-desk  reach 
ing  to  his  shoulders,  placed  near  the  window. 
He  occupied  the  space  between  the  desk  and  the 
window.  This  attitude  and  a  certain  irritable  look 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    115 

gave  him  somewhat  the  air  of  a  schoolmaster,  to 
whom  his  scholars  came  with  complaints  or  to 
ask  favors.  He  was  a  broad-shouldered  man  of 
about  fifty,  not  more  than  five  feet  seven  or 
eight  inches  in  height,  with  a  long  brown  beard, 
sprinkled  with  gray,  and  lively,  though  severe, 
little  eyes  that  looked  through  spectacles.  His 
complexion  was  dark  and  somewhat  mottled  as  if 
with  high  living,  his  head  about  half  bald.  He 
would  lean  his  left  arm  on  the  desk,  settle  his 
spectacles,  and  wait  for  people  to  come  and  state 
their  business, — a  peppery  little  man  who  looked 
as  though  he  had  not  slept  well,  and  as  if  it  would 
not  give  him  much  pain  to  refuse  your  most  urgent 
request. 

The  orderly  would  stand  by  the  door  (a  red 
headed  cavalryman  of  my  regiment),  knowing 
very  well  that  most  of  the  applicants  were  wasting 
their  time,  and  that  nine  out  of  ten  would  go  away 
muttering  curses.  There  was  no  noise,  people 
conversed  quickly  and  under  their  breaths.  The 
adjutant-generals,  orderlies,  and  clerks  on  duty 
moved  gently  and  deferentially.  The  general 
feeling  was  that  Stanton  was  no  respecter  of 
persons,  precedents,  formulas,  or  tape,  and  that 
he  was  capable  of  dealing  heavy  blows  with 
great  coolness  and  celerity. 

"Influential"  people  tried  their  influence  only 
once,  acquaintances  of  the  bar  tried  it  and  were 
rebuffed,  corrupt  people  found  themselves  sus 
pected  before  they  drew  near.  Women  in  tears, 


n6        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

venerable  old  men,  approached  slowly — but  with 
drew  quickly  as  if  they  had  touched  hot  iron.  A 
few  got  what  they  wanted  and  earned  it  in  the 
getting. 

Certainly  the  Secretary's  facility  in  saying 
"no"  was  extraordinary. 

Without  searching  far  or  deep,  I  think  it  was 
observable  that  his  habit  of  mind  was  self-willed 
and  inclined  to  oppose  suggestions  and  proposi 
tions  principally  because  they  were  not  his  own. 

But  at  bottom  there  was  nothing  terrible. 
Stanton  was  an  able,  overworked  Pittsburg  law 
yer,  suddenly  called  on  to  play  the  combined  roles 
of  Car  not  and  Fouche,  apparently  utterly  ignorant 
of  both  roles,  and  equipped  with  no  special  talent  or 
habits  other  than  the  professional  ones — ability 
to  work,  dogmatic  temper,  a  bullying  propen 
sity.  He  was  possessed  of  an  assurance  that  lays 
hold  of  the  most  novel  cases,  a  contempt  for 
scientific  training  as  compared  with  talent  and 
labor,  a  keen  insight  into  ^hams  and  disguises,  an 
insensibility  to  all  emotions  except  that  of  danger 
of  bodily  harm.  This  lawyer  was  really  practicing 
law — his  case  a  little  larger  than  the  Wood  worth 
Patent,  and  a  nation  his  client,  but  the  difference 
was  only  in  the  size  of  the  case.  As  in  his  law 
office,  red  tape,  papers,  precedents,  decisions 
were  his  business  here.  As  there  he  knew  he 
could  abuse  his  client  as  much  as  he  chose, 
provided  he  won  his  case,  so  here  he  knew,  no 
matter  what  he  did,  all  would  be  right,  if  he 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    117 

secured  the  verdict.  One  thing  was  mandatory, 
he  must  not  throw  up  the  case — that  no  good 
lawyer  does.  Now  let  all  people  stand  aside  and 
give  him  scope.  He  must  make  experiments ;  he 
must  study  his  case;  he  must  not  be  interrupted— 
before  him  he  had  an  army  to  set  in  motion  and  be 
hind  him  a  hostile  party  to  keep  in  check.  His  logic 
was  now  logistics  and  his  finesse  the  secret  police. 

So  he  went  on  working  up  his  case,  obstinately 
having  his  own  way,  scolding  this  man,  rewarding 
that  one,  reading  and  endorsing  papers,  in  a 
perennial  passion,  doing  gigantic  labor,  with 
apprenticed  genius,  until  the  temples  throbbed, 
and  after  midnight,  too  busy,  too  earnest  in  search 
of  the  verdict  to  notice  that  he  had  hurt  the 
feelings  of  the  Court  by  his  vehement  disrespect 
for  her  venerable  character — in  other  words,  had 
become  through  arbitrary  measures  against  citi 
zens  and  against  soldiers  the  most  universally 
hated  man  in  America. 

No  lawyer  respects  authorities  that  are  cited 
against  him — why  should  he  reverence  civil  liberty 
or  the  army  regulations  if  they  stand  in  his  way? 
The  verdict — victory — the  suppression  of  the 
Rebellion  were  the  goal.  Nothing  else  counted. 

To  show  how  inaccessible  he  was  to  State 
politics  and  the  influence  of  former  associations, 
I  cite  the  case  of  a  colonel  of  one  of  the  Pennsyl 
vania  regiments,  who  had  won  eminence  at  the 
same  bar,  had  been  a  fellow  Democrat,  and  who, 
as  soon  as  Stanton  was  appointed,  was  much  culti- 


n8        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

vated,  on  account  of  his  supposed  influence  with 
his  old  colleague,  by  people  who  had  any  favors 
to  ask  of  the  Secretary — and  they  were  not  few. 
The  colonel  was  at  this  time  on  agreeable  duty  in 
Washington  and  hoped  himself  to  get  the  gover 
norship  on  McClellan's  departure.  To  his  astonish 
ment  he  was  relieved  and  ordered  to  join  his 
regiment  on  the  advance.  After  the  battle  before 
Richmond  he  came  to  Washington  on  sick  leave 
and  took  rooms  at  Willard's.  No  officers  were 
allowed  here  during  this  time  even  on  sick  leave 
unless  by  permission  of  Dr.  Clymer,  who  was  very 
strict,  and  Clymer  had  given  him  his  certificate. 
The  War  Department,  however,  ordered  him  to 
the  front.  The  colonel  managed  to  get  to  the  War 
Department  and  tried  to  persuade  Stanton  in  a 
personal  interview  that  he  was  suffering  from 
chronic  diarrhoea  and  unfit  for  service.  Stanton, 
as  soon  as  he  saw  him,  ordered  him  to  leave  the 
room  instantly,  and  on  pain  of  dismissal  join 
his  command.  The  officer  obeyed,  but  persisted 
in  saying  and  believing  ever  afterwards  that 
Stanton  had  exercised  a  mortal  enmity  against 
him  and  that  there  was  no  use  staying  in  the 
service,  while  Stanton  was  at  the  Department. 
On  the  pressure  of  Governor  Curtin  the  President 
soon  after  appointed  this  colonel  a  brigadier,  but 
his  name  was  not  sent  in.  All  this  the  colonel 
ascribed  to  Stanton's  animosity,  and  resigned.  I 
cite  this  incident  to  show  how  useless  it  was  to  try 
personal  influence  on  Stanton. 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    119 
STANTON'S  CONTEMPT  FOR  ARMY  OFFICERS 

One  day,  when  I  was  at  the  office,  General 
Ripley  was  directed  to  report  himself  immediately. 
Stanton  was  standing  by  the  window  examining 
a  new  kind  of  lock  for  a  musket,  with  one  who 
appeared  to  be  a  contractor.  General  Ripley,  a 
white-headed  veteran  and  head  of  the  Ordnance 
Bureau,  entered  and  approached.  Stanton  asked 
him  how  many  of  the  kind  of  lock  he  had  adopted. 
Ripley  answered.  ' '  Now, ' '  said  Stanton,  frowning, 
"if  you  dare  to  adopt  another  musket  of  this  kind, 
I'll  dismiss  you  from  the  service."  "But,  Mr. 
Secretary,"  interrupted  Ripley.  "Not  another 
word,"  snapped  out  Stanton.  "You  can  return 
to  your  Bureau."  General  Ripley  flushed  and 
passed,  shaking  as  if  struck  with  the  palsy, 
through  the  crowd  who  had  witnessed  the 
incident. 

This  threat  of  dismissal  was  not  uncommon. 
By  orders  issued  at  one  time  through  the  War 
Office,  no  one  was  allowed  to  visit  any  prisoner  in 
the  Old  Capitol  unless  provided  with  a  pass  from 
the  War  Department.  The  public,  of  course,  did 
not  know  of  the  change  immediately  and  used 
to  apply  as  formerly  to  me.  My  subordinates 
refused  all  applicants.  Parties  were,  however,  not 
to  be  put  off.  They  would  stay  and  insist  on 
knowing  where  they  could  get  a  pass.  Occasion 
ally,  to  be  rid  of  them,  they  were  told  that  no  one 
but  the  Secretary  could  issue  a  pass.  Accordingly, 


120        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

they  would  at  once  hasten  to  the  Secretary  and 
worry  him.  In  such  cases  I  would  invariably  be 
summoned  to  Stanton's  presence,  and  the  Secre 
tary  would  say  to  the  applicant,  "Who  sent  you 
here  ? "  "  Some  one  in  the  provost  marshal's  office. " 
Then,  turning  to  me,  "If  this  happens  again,  I'll 
dismiss  you  from  the  service."  To  have  replied 
that  I  was  not  able  to  prevent  people  from  calling 
on  him  would  only  have  added  fuel  to  the  fire. 
This  happened  so  frequently  and  was,  in  fact,  so 
absurd,  that  I  finally  grew  moderately  indifferent 
to  his  outbursts,  although  the  rebuke  in  the 
presence  of  citizens  was  not  very  flattering.  Occa 
sionally  Stanton  would  meet  his  match.  A  judge 
from  the  interior  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  son  was  a 
colonel  and  home  on  sick  leave,  applied  with  his 
son  to  the  Secretary  in  person,  for  an  extension. 
The  Secretary  turned  to  the  colonel  and  in  an 
extremely  insolent  way  bade  him  begone.  The 
young  man  hastened  to  limp  away,  but  the 
judge  was  not  to  be  bearded  in  this  way,  and 
getting  up  from  his  chair,  said : 

' '  Sir,  my  son  will  not  go  to  his  regiment  to  die. 
He  will  go  with  me  to  the  President,  your  supe 
rior  officer,  who  will  grant  my  reasonable  request." 

The  Secretary  stood  as  one  in  a  trance  and  said 
no  more. 

NOTE. — See  address  on  Lincoln. 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    121 

ANOTHER    INSTANCE    OF    STANTON'S    RESPECT    FOR 
PLUCK 

A  Pennsylvania  butcher,  wealthy  and  fat,  came 
to  Washington  to  bring  his  two  sons  and  other 
boys  blankets,  to  replace  those  they  had  lost  in 
the  battle  of  Fredericksburg.  As  he  was  an 
acquaintance  of  mine  I  went  with  him  to  Stanton 
and  found  the  thing  was  impossible  under  the 
orders,  which  were  imperative  against  transporta 
tion  of  citizens. 

Nothing  daunted,  my  friend  pushed  his  way 
before  the  Secretary  and  finally  in  a  rough  way 
stated  his  case.  The  Secretary  refused  his  request 
and  passed  on  to  the  next.  "Well,"  said  the 
butcher,  "how  many  sons  have  you  got  at  Freder 
icksburg?  I  guess  not  many,  or  you  wouldn't 
want  to  freeze  mine."  The  pass  was  granted. 

There  was  a  queer  story  afloat  at  this  time 
which,  whether  true  or  false,  shows,  at  least,  what 
people  wanted  to  believe  true. 

A  lieutenant  of  a  cavalry  regiment,  stationed 
at  Alexandria,  received  a  dispatch  announcing 
the  death  of  a  near  relative  and  requesting  him  to 
come  home.  As  the  routine  of  red-tape  was  too 
slow  for  his  case,  he  hastened  to  the  War  Depart 
ment,  where  he  encountered  Mr.  Stanton  and 
humbly  stated  his  case.  Upon  this  Mr.  Stanton 
without  ceremony  pushed  him  by  the  shoulders 
out  of  the  door.  The  lieutenant  in  despair  hurried 
to  Willard's,  got  pretty  drunk,  mounted  his  horse, 


122        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

and  galloped  wildly  about  on  the  road  between 
Washington  and  Alexandria. 

The  same  afternoon  the  Secretary  rode  out  in  a 
carriage,  unattended  except  by  the  driver.  He 
drove  along  the  river  road,  where  the  outraged 
lieutenant  was  likewise.  The  latter,  catching 
sight  of  the  man  who  was  the  cause  of  his  trouble, 
galloped  alongside,  and  saying,  "Aha!  now  it's 
my  turn,"  grabbed  Stanton  by  the  beard,  shook 
him,  and  let  him  drop.  The  story  went  farther, — 
it  was  stated  that  the  Minister,  afraid  of  publicity, 
let  the  affair  pass  over  unnoticed. 

When  the  Secretary's  faults  of  manner  and  his 
indecisive  policy  at  the  Capitol  are  stated,  I  think 
that  all  that  is  detrimental  has  been  said.  These 
faults  were  very  great  and  hard  to  endure.  That 
they  were  inseparable  from  the  order  of  ability  he 
possessed,  and  which  was  absolutely  indispensable 
at  the  time,  I  do  not  doubt.  There  was  wanted 
some  one  who  had  no  friends  to  repay  for  past 
services,  and  who  cared  not  to  make  any  in  the 
future,  one  whose  hands  were  free  from  State 
cliques,  who  understood  how  people  were  cheating 
the  Government,  and  had  the  nerve  to  baffle 
them,  one  who  had  the  courage,  or  rather  audac 
ity,  not  to  be  blinded  by  any  plans  of  strategy  or 
policy  proposed  by  no  matter  how  high  a  military 
authority,  one  who  was  utterly  insensible  to  the 
clamors  of  the  press,  as  regarded  either  military 
measures  or  his  own  continuance  in  office,  one 
who  had  that  dominance  of  feelings  of  duty  over 


War  Department  and  Its  Head   123 

sentiment  necessary  to  execute  a  draft  in  a  Repub 
lic,  and  that  unbounded,  dogged  self-confidence 
which,  when  everybody  gropes  blindly  for  advice, 
is  the  very  sublimity  of  manliness — in  short,  one 
who  was  able  and  willing  to  save  the  country  at 
his  own  expense. 

I  do  not  pretend  to  insist  that  some  one  might 
not  be  found  to  combine  all  these  qualities  with 
suavity  of  manner,  but  I  doubt  it,  and  my  im 
pression  is  that  the  country  at  large  understood  his 
character,  and  that  his  resignation  before  the 
close  of  the  war  would  have  been  esteemed,  by  the 
men  who  knew  what  he  was  doing,  a  calamity  to 
the  Union. 

There  was  another  point  of  view — one  perhaps 
not  generally  considered — from  which  the  Secre 
tary's  coarseness  and  arrogance  were  most  effec 
tive  virtues. 

Any  one  who  had  much  to  do  with  the  wealthier 
and  more  powerful  class  of  Secessionists  both  at 
Washington  and  at  New  Orleans,  or  at  any  other 
large  city,  soon  found  that  the  animus  of  Secession 
was  at  bottom  an  idea  fostered  through  many 
years  of  fashionable  living  and  political  flattery ; 
that  the  Southerners  were,  after  all,  socially  con 
sidered,  a  much  better-bred  and  blooded  people 
than  the  Northerners.  In  view  of  this  assumption, 
it  was  idle  to  overcome  a  Southerner  with  argu 
ments  or  with  arms.  He  still  maintained,  however 
defeated,  a  reserve  of  aristocratic  scorn.  To  meet 
that  there  was  only  one  weapon — a  brutal  arro- 


124        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

gance,  with  which  to  degrade  Secessionists  as  far 
below  their  real  level  as  their  imaginations  had 
exalted  them  above  it.  The  idea  was  not  only 
their  own  but  they  had  spread  it,  and  many  a 
Northerner,  who  traveled  in  Europe  before  the 
war,  will  remember  that  these  people  had  spread 
the  belief  among  the  better  educated  classes,  that 
they  were  the  nobility  of  the  country  and  the 
Northerners  the  serfs,  or  bourgeoisie.  It  was 
therefore,  in  this  American  uprising  of  the  Fau- 
burg  St.  Antoine  against  the  pretended  Fauburg 
St.  Germain,  just  as  essential  that  their  leaders 
should  meet  insolence  with  insolence,  and  preten 
sions  of  superior  refinement  with  unmitigated 
coarseness  and  disdain,  and  these  were  the  qualities 
in  Stanton  (as  well  as  in  Butler)  that  enabled  them 
to  undermine  the  foundations  of  Secession,  while 
the  army,  by  treating  its  opponents  as  equals,  had 
rather  a  tendency  to  encourage  it.  I  doubt 
whether  any  Secessionist,  who  passed  through 
Stan  ton's  rough  hand,  continued  to  have  that 
lofty  idea  of  his  comparative  social  superiority 
that  he  entertained  previously.  "Contempt,'* 
says  the  proverb,  "pierces  even  through  the  shell 
of  the  tortoise." 

More  than  that,  when  Stanton  was  appointed, 
a  military  aristocracy  of  the  Regular  Army  and  of 
immense  power  had  arisen  in  the  bosom  of  the 
army  of  volunteers.  This  aristocracy  had  at  its 
head  the  commander-in-chief  and  stretched  its 
roots  into  every  corps,  regiment,  and  bureau, 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    125 

defying  the  Government  at  home  with  only  a 
little  less  disdain  than  Davis  manifested  at  Rich 
mond.  It  cannot  be  that  one  rebellion  shall 
be  put  down  by  another.  Our  own  army  was 
first  to  be  made  subordinate  to  the  President, 
and  then  the  Southern  Army  made  subordinate 
to  it. 

To  relieve  McClellan,  court-martial  Porter, 
and  eliminate  all  traces  of  West  Point  class-tradi 
tions,  uniting  by  nicknames,  I  consider  victories 
as  important  as  Appomattox,  and  these  nothing 
but  the  wooden  and  numb  audacity  of  Stanton 
dared  to  achieve. 

Both  Porter  and  Williams  (McClellan's  adjutant 
general)  had  permanent  rooms  in  Washington  at 
the  house  of  a  cousin  of  General  Lee,  an  old  lady 
whose  two  sons  were  in  the  Rebel  Army.  After 
Porter  was  court-martialed  and  dismissed,  he 
ordered  a  beaver,  which  was  sent  home  by  the 
hatter  with  a  card  inscribed  "Mr.  Fitz-John 
Porter."  He  used  to  say  he  never  felt  the  force 
of  his  sentence  until  he  saw  this  card. 2 

This  old  lady,  charming  in  every  way  except  in 
her  Secession  proclivities,  which  were  extremely 
bitter,  had  become  poor  and  so  straitened  as  to 
be  obliged  to  let  her  rooms.  Boarders,  of  course, 
she  was  unable  to  tolerate.  Even  then  the  old 
aristocracy  was  dominant,  and  she  never  allowed 
any  of  her  lodgers  to  communicate  with  her  or  her 
daughters,  unless  they  paid  a  formal  call,  rang 
the  front-door  bell,  and  sent  in  their  names  or 


126        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

cards  by  the  negro  servant.  Nevertheless,  all 
the  members  of  her  family  picked  lint  and  relieved 
the  sufferings  in  the  hospitals  to  the  best  of  their 
power — perhaps  more  than  the  real  Union  ladies 
of  the  Capitol. 

Let  me  also  give  Stanton  credit  for  never  refusing 
to  alleviate  real — not  fancied — distress,  in  all  cases 
(and  they  were  many)  which  I  brought  to  his 
notice,  including  meritorious  soldiers  and  officers 
who  needed  furloughs,  reinstatements,  promotions, 
and  the  like,  always  doing  what  he  did  promptly 
and  with  the  air  of  a  man  who  is  glad  of  an  oppor 
tunity  of  conferring  a  kindness  as  quickly  as  he  is 
satisfied  the  object  is  deserving,  and  there  is  no 
attempt  made  to  impose  on  him. 

PHILIP  H.  WATSON,  the  Assistant  Secretary,  was 
like  Stanton  a  Washington  lawyer  and  associated 
with  him  in  practice,  with  quite  a  reputation  at 
the  bar  for  skill  in  patent  cases,  plodding  industry, 
and  mechanical  ingenuity.  He  had  made  a  for 
tune  in  business,  and  it  was  a  source  of  wonder  that 
he  should  follow  his  partner  into  this  laborious 
office  which  required  the  incumbent  to  work  day 
and  night  like  a  drayman.  His  build  was,  like 
Stanton's,  short  and  stout;  but  he  had  red  hair 
and  beard,  and  was  younger  than  his  chief.  Under 
his  direction  and  supervision  was  organized  and 
carried  on  a  system  of  secret  police,  which  first 
consisted  of  one  man,  and  culminated  in  a  regular 
force  called  ''National  Detectives"  presided  over 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    127 

by  Colonel  L.  S.  Baker.     Of  this  system  Watson 
was  the  inceptor  and  director. 

The  first  time  I  came  in  contact  with  Baker  was 
under   the  following  circumstances:    A  medium 
sized,  lean  man  of  about  forty,  with  a  suspicious 
look  about  the  eyes,  came  to  my  office  and  requested 
a  commitment  to  send  to  the  Old  Capitol  a  prisoner 
he  had  arrested, — a  detective  whom,  he  said,  he 
had  been  watching  a  long  while  in  Alexandria,  and 
who,  according  to  this  man's  statement,  was  levy 
ing  blackmail  on  the  sutlers  over  there.     I  knew 
of  no  one  who  had  authority  to  arrest  in  that  way, 
and  asked  for  his  credentials.     He  refused  to  show 
any,  at  the  time,  and  went  away  in  a  passion. 
Next  day,  from  my  morning  report,  I  saw  that  the 
prisoner  had  been  committed,   by  order  of  the 
Secretary  of  War.     His  name  had,  however,  been 
withheld  and  his  offense  was  not  described.     I 
inquired  of  Superintendent  Wood  who  this  Baker 
was,  and  was  informed  that  he  had  a  kind  of  roving 
commission  under  Watson.     Wood's  opinion  of 
him  was  not  good.     I  also  inquired  of  the  Pinker- 
ton  detectives  and  found   the   same   opinion.     I 
allowed  something  for  professional  jealousies  but 
found    the    Washington    police    had    him    down 
as  a  doubtful  character.     Watson  then  told  me 
that  he  found   it    necessary    to   have   the  man 
about,  although  he  retained  him  on  the  principle 
of  "  set  a  rogue  to  catch  a  rogue. "     I  was,  however, 
surprised  when  he  appointed  him  special  provost 
marshal  of  the  War  Department  as  that  gave  him 


128        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

free  scope  to  act  without  the  guidance  of  Watson — 
and  such  an  extension  of  power  I  esteemed  a 
dangerous  thing. 

The  sequel  showed  that  I  was  not  far  wrong. 
People  of  all  sorts  now  suddenly  disappeared  and 
after  a  long  interval  were  found  to  have  been  last 
seen  entering  the  Carrol  Prison,  where  neither 
Wadsworth  nor  the  provost  marshal  of  the  District 
could  see  them,  or  even  discover  why  they  were 
there,  and  against  whose  incarceration  even  feeble 
remonstrance  was  very  dangerous.  Now  began 
the  reign  of  terror. 

Wood,  according  to  his  own  statement,  acted 
in  connection  with  other  detectives  as  the  inquisi 
tor  of  these  people,  and  secured  the  evidence.  His 
way  was,  as  he  said,  never  to  approach  his  subjects 
until  separate  and  long  confinement  had  made 
them  anxious  to  talk  and  to  beg  for  their  release. 
He  was  always  the  personal  friend  who  would  get 
any  one  released  provided  he  confessed.  In  time 
the  most  innocent  would  acknowledge  himself 
guilty.  In  obstinate  cases,  a  suspected  accessory 
or  near  friend  was  imprisoned  with  the  accused, 
their  conversation  overheard  and  taken  down. 
In  case  there  was  no  accessory  or  friend,  then  Wood 
created  one,  by  confining  in  the  same  room  a  detec 
tive  who  feigned  being  guilty  of  the  same  charge. 
In  more  obstinate  cases  Wood  used  to  counterfeit 
testimony  convicting  the  prisoner,  and  read  it  to 
him.  That  would  sometimes  extort  confession. 
At  other  times  the  prisoner  was  allowed  to  give 


War  Department  and  Its  Head   129 

testimony  in  his  own  defense.  With  this,  Wood 
mixed  spurious  evidence  and  read  it  to  the  prisoner 
who,  seeing  himself  hopelessly  entangled,  would 
hasten  to  make  a  clean  breast  of  matters  and  throw 
himself  on  the  mercy  of  his  torturer. 

The  extraordinary  proceedings, — solitary  con 
finement,  a  kind  of  inquisitorial  process,  denial  of 
hearing,  and  examination  even  to  regular  officers 
and  all  kinds  of  Northern  citizens,  confiscations  of 
property  by  detectives  without  preliminary  notice 
or  chance  of  redress,  the  arrival  of  a  well-known 
character  like  Baker  with  almost  dictatorial 
powers, — while  it  created  fear  and  consternation 
everywhere,  filled  Wadsworth  and  myself  with 
indignation,  as  we  knew  very  well  that  the  exigen 
cies  of  the  Service  called  for  a  retrenchment  of 
the  secret  police — on  which  account  the  Pinkerton 
detectives  were  discharged — and  that  this  creation 
of  a  regiment  of  detectives  could  be  explained  by 
nothing  except  a  growing  spirit  of  absolutism  in 
the  War  Office.  Military  necessity  could  doubt 
less  excuse  the  moderate  use  of  detectives  in  the 
early  stages  of  the  war,  when  the  machinations  of 
Secessionists  compelled  the  loyal  citizens  to  stand 
guard  over  the  White  House.  But  at  a  time  when 
the  result  depended  on  success  in  the  field,  the 
establishment  of  a  special  prison  with  solitary 
confinement  and  the  subjection  of  people  to  mental 
torture  by  a  thousand  lawless  characters,  appeared 
entirely  inexcusable. 

How  was  this  state  of  affairs  to  be  remedied? 


130        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

To  protest  was  a  very  delicate  matter.  The  people 
who  had  brought  the  subject  to  the  attention  of 
Congress  were  Coxe  and  Vallandigham,  sympa 
thizers  with  the  Rebellion.  How  could  any  man 
use  their  arguments  without  taking  their  places  in 
public  estimation  ?  The  chief  of  the  civil  police  was 
indignant  but,  as  he  was  a  native  of  the  district, 
he  was  scarcely  the  man.  The  mayor  was  indig 
nant,  but  as  his  predecessor  had  been  sent  to  Fort 
Warren,  he  was  not  the  logical  person.  The  only 
man  at  this  time  who  thought  he  might  be  a  pa 
triot  without  assenting  to  the  proceedings  of  Wat 
son  and  Baker  was  Wads  worth,  whose  position 
as  the  prospective  candidate  for  governor  on 
the  Union  side  in  New  York  and  irreproachable 
character  with  the  President  placed  him  above 
suspicion  of  disloyalty  to  the  Government.  Wads- 
worth  denounced  these  proceedings  in  the  loudest 
terms,  while  he  directed  me  to  have  nothing  to  do 
with  Watson  and  the  detectives  of  the  War  Office 
and  to  permit  them  to  have  no  transactions  what 
ever  through  or  with  me.  Watson  was  not  troubled 
much  by  this  procedure.  Instead  of  sending  his 
orders  through  Wadsworth,  and  giving  him  a 
chance  to  disobey  them,  he  sent  them  directly  to 
me.  Wadsworth  then  ordered  me  not  to  obey 
Watson  unless  by  his  consent.  Watson  got  around 
this  by  summoning  me  to  report  to  the  War  Office, 
gave  me  my  orders,  and  bade  me  carry  them  out  at 
once.  In  this  awkward  dilemma  between  the 
contending  powers,  Baker  took  advantage  of  the 


War  Department  and  Its  Head    131 

situation  to  use  his  powers  upon  me,  and  succes 
sively  preferred  charges  of  misappropriation  of 
Government  funds,  violation  of  the  orders  of  the 
War  Department  in  releasing  prisoners  at  the 
guard  house,  excess  of  authority,  connivance  in 
the  smuggling  of  liquor  to  the  army,  sympathy 
with  traitors  in  releasing  certain  parties,  while 
Wood  preferred  charges  of  sympathy  with  traitors 
because  of  the  release  of  those  detained  at  the  Old 
Capitol.  I  answered  these  charges  successfully 
and  was  acquitted  in  each  case;  and  so  complete 
was  my  vindication  that  Watson  turned  round  and 
gave  me  directions  to  arrest  Baker  and  any  of  his 
force  that  could  be  found  at  his  office  opposite 
Willard's,  and  send  them  to  the  guard  house, 
which  they  had  designed  as  a  place  of  detention  for 
me.  Baker  himself  could  not  be  found,  but  his 
subordinates  were  apprehended.  Their  chief  ever 
afterwards  left  me  in  peace.  The  liquor  pass,  on 
which  Baker  preferred  the  charge  that  I  had  con 
nived  in  the  smuggling  of  liquor,  turned  out  to  be 
forged.  This  turned  the  tables.  He  either  forged 
it  himself,  or  shut  his  eyes  purposely  to  the  fact 
that  it  was  forged,  or  was  not  sharp  enough, 
detective  though  he  was,  to  discover  a  forgery. 
Either  alternative  told  against  him. 

Once  only,  I  got  into  difficulties  at  the  War 
Office.  That  came  near  resulting  in  my  severing 
my  connection  with  the  army,  in  disgrace.  One 
day,  as  I  was  going  to  my  dinner,  a  servant  brought 
a  message  from  my  next  door  neighbor,  an  ex- 


132        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

officer  of  the  navy,  to  the  effect  that  there  were 
two  ladies  who  desired  to  see  me  at  once.  They 
had  waited  all  day  before  the  office  and  had  been 
unable  to  get  admission.  Would  I  step  in  only  for 
a  moment?  I  entered  and  found  an  old  lady  and 
her  daughter,  a  fine-looking  girl  of  about  twenty. 
They  told  me  they  lived  beyond  the  lines  of  Gen 
eral  Sigel  and  desired  to  return  home  that  day. 
I  asked,  as  usual,  for  letter  of  recommendation. 
They  quickly  produced  a  letter  from  a  member  of 
the  Cabinet  whom  I  knew  well  and  who  had  often 
given  me  personal  intelligence  of  Secession  move 
ments,  and  had  placed  at  my  disposal  his  colored 
servant  in  ferreting  out  such  movements.  The 
ladies  produced,  besides,  General  Wadsworth's 
pass  not  yet  expired.  Deeming  this  ample,  I 
wrote  on  the  back  "renewed  for  thirty  days"  and 
signed  my  name.  About  three  weeks  after  this 
and  when,  in  the  hurry  of  a  thousand  incidents,  I 
had  forgotten  the  event,  I  found  on  coming  home 
one  evening  two  men  sitting  on  my  doorstep,  who, 
on  being  questioned  as  to  their  business,  said  they 
were  resting.  The  thing  looked  suspicious  and  I 
began  to  scent  trouble.  Soon  after,  I  was  aroused 
one  night  at  one  o'clock  by  an  orderly  requiring 
my  instant  presence  at  the  War  Office.  On  going 
there,  I  found  Mr.  Stan  ton,  Secretary  of  War, 
alone.  He  shut  the  door  with  much  gravity  and, 
handing  me  a  piece  of  paper ,  wanted  to  know 
whether  that  was  my  signature.  I  answered 
"Yes."  He  then  wanted  to  know  by  whose 


War  Department  and  Its  Head   133 

authority  I  had  passed  two  loads  of  quinine 
through  Sigel's  lines.  I  answered  him  that  I  had 
given  the  pass  on  some  one's  recommendation 
but  whose  I  could  not  recollect.  I  was  then  told 
that  unless  I  could  explain  this  matter,  I  was  by 
the  Secretary's  order  dishonorably  dismissed. 
This  hastened  the  action  of  my  memory.  Still  I 
could  not  remember  who  gave  the  recommendation. 
After  a  search  all  night  in  the  pigeonholes  of  the 
office,  I  found  the  memorandum  of  the  Cabinet 
officer's  letter,  which,  being  produced,  ended  the 
incident.  It  seems  that  these  women  were  niece 
and  sister-in-law  of  the  person  who  recommended 
them  and,  in  company  with  a  minister  called  Buck 
Bailey,  had  filled  their  crinoline  and  a  false  wagon 
body  with  opium,  sulphur,  and  quinine,  then  in 
great  demand,  and  had  gone  on  their  journey. 
They  were  arrested  by  Sigel's  pickets  and  my  pass 
found  on  their  persons.  They  did  not  stay  long 
in  the  Old  Capitol  and  the  whole  thing  was  hushed 
up. 


NOTES  TO  CHAPTER  IV 

1  The   alleged    husband   was,   however,    convicted  of  selling 
pistols  in  New  York,  and  his  friend    of  having  attempted  to 
bribe  the  authorities  by  a  gift  of  diamond  rings.     He  was  dis 
missed  from  the  service. 

2  This  sentence  was  later  revoked  and  Porter  was  restored. 


CHAPTER  V 
INCIDENTS  OF  PROVOST  DUTY 

ALTHOUGH  possessed  of  a  power  over  the  pro 
perty  and  persons  of  the  Capitol  that  was  unde 
fined,  I  soon  found  that  the  post  was  not  a  bed  of 
roses.  It  is  sometimes  hard  to  please  one  master; 
how  much  harder  to  satisfy  a  dozen !  My  regular 
superior  was  Wadsworth,  and  above  him  the 
Secretary  with  two  assistants,  above  them  the 
President  and  Cabinet,  above  them  the  members  of 
Congress,  and  above  all  the  great  American  people, 
who,  in  this  war,  meant  to  have  their  own  way, 
in  spite  of  their  Government.  With  all  this  came 
every  few  weeks  a  new  commander  of  the  forces 
in  and  about  Washington  who  would  have  things 
done  in  his  way.  It  is  evident  that  I  was  often 
obliged  to  satisfy  no  one  except  myself,  or  at  most 
General  Wadsworth  alone. 

Thus,  I  remember  a  private  soldier  of  an  Iowa 
regiment  who  came  to  me  complaining  that  he  had 
forwarded  by  Adams  Express  $50  to  his  aged 
parents  at  home,  and  that  he  had  taken  a  receipt,  but 
that  the  money  had  never  reached  the  persons  for 
whom  it  was  intended.  He  had  letters  and  affi- 

134 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        135 

davits  showing  that  the  money  had  been  demanded 
at  home,  but  had  not  been  received.  He  had  then 
applied  again  to  the  Washington  office,  had  de 
manded  his  money  back  on  his  receipt,  and  had 
been  ordered  out  of  the  office;  whereupon  he  came 
to  me  for  relief. 

I  sent  a  polite  note  to  the  officer  of  the  company 
at  Washington  requesting  him  to  attend  to  the 
matter  without  delay,  as  the  soldier's  furlough 
was  nearly  out.  No  answer  was  made.  I  wrote 
again  requesting  an  answer.  They  replied 
evasively  and  defiantly.  I  then  directed  the 
cavalry  patrol  to  seize  the  first  loaded  wagon 
belonging  to  the  company  and  bring  it  to  head 
quarters.  In  half  an  hour  a  two-horse  truck,  filled 
with  trunks  and  boxes,  was  driven  into  the  yard 
and  a  few  moments  later  in  rushed  the  excited 
superintendent  of  the  company.  The  soldier  got 
his  money  and  went  off  rejoicing. 

On  another  occasion  a  private  soldier  complained 
that  he  had  left  his  silver  watch  with  a  jeweler  on 
Seventh  Street,  and  had  taken  his  check  for  it,  on 
the  presentation  of  which  he  was  offered  instead  of 
his  own,  a  pinchbeck  article  utterly  worthless. 

I  made  him  give  an  accurate  description  of  the 
article  and  bring  evidence  of  his  comrades  to 
corroborate  his  statement.  On  this  the  jeweler 
was  brought  before  me.  He  protested  indignantly 
that  the  soldier's  watch  was  the  pinchbeck.  He 
was  ordered  to  the  guardhouse.  On  his  way  down 
he  requested  the  guard  to  go  home  with  him,  and 


136        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

this  being  done,  the  original  was  found  and 
restored. 

The  order  compelling  bar-rooms  to  be  closed 
at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  was  generally  obeyed 
in  all  the  principal  hotels;  but  when,  after  the 
battle  of  Bull  Run,  the  sale  of  all  liquors  was  in 
terdicted,  great  numbers  got  into  trouble  by 
selling  liquor  in  secret  bars,  and  Willard's,  Ham- 
mack's,  Beninger's,  Gautier's  and  the  Metropol 
itan's  stocks  of  liquor  were  seized  and  held.  They 
were  finally,  however,  returned  on  promises  of 
better  behavior,  which  were  kept. 

I  was  frequently  in  receipt  of  complaints  from 
respectable  ladies  living  in  good  neighborhoods 
that  bawdy  houses  were  open  in  the  same  row, 
causing  their  residences,  by  reason  of  the  rabble 
entering  them  by  mistake,  to  be  intolerable. 

No  one  who  has  not  witnessed  it  can  believe  the 
freedom  with  which  this  business  was  carried  on 
and  patronized  at  this  time  in  Washington. 
Keepers  of  brothels  from  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Baltimore,  and  even  the  Western  cities  of  St. 
Louis,  and  Chicago,  were  attracted  hither  by  the 
chance  of  making  money,  and  occupied  entire 
blocks  on  the  south  side  of  Pennsylvania  Avenue. 
Four  hundred  and  fifty  houses  registered  were  in 
Washington  alone.  One  establishment  supported, 
in  addition  to  a  fine  mansion  surrounded  with 
gardens,  and  luxuriously  furnished,  a  summer 
retreat  twelve  miles  up  the  Potomac,  at  Great 
Falls,  whither  the  women  retired  when  the  busi- 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        137 

ness  was  dull.  All  of  them  were  crowded  at  night. 
Even  in  the  day  it  was  not  unusual  to  see  a  long 
row  of  saddled  horses  standing  before  such  resorts. 
The  keepers  were,  of  course,  most  complaisant  to 
the  police.  The  moment  the  tramp  of  the  patrol 
was  heard  before  the  door,  they  made  the  girls  open 
every  room  door  to  the  guard.  They  made  it  a 
kind  of  point  of  honor  to  obey  with  alacrity  what 
they  could  not  help.  Of  course,  it  was  impossible 
to  do  more  for  this  evil  than  to  keep  it  in  check. 
But  the  demoralizing  influence  of  war  is  so  great 
that  it  was  no  uncommon  sight  to  see  young  officers 
of  good  families  driving  or  riding  side  by  side  with 
these  characters  in  the  most  public  parts  of 
Pennsylvania  Avenue,  and  even  taking  them  to 
the  theater. 

At  one  time,  I  drew  up  a  plan  to  license  the  most 
orderly  of  the  class,  and  to  close  up  the  rest;  but 
it  was  not  approved. 

I  accordingly  did  the  best  I  could,  had  each 
house  registered  and  had  a  weekly  report  made 
on  the  conduct  of  its  inmates. 

When  the  sanitary  condition  required  it,  I 
ordered  them  out  of  the  city,  and  saw  that  they 
were  safely  landed  in  New  York. 

Against  the  invasion  of  these  characters  into 
respectable  neighborhoods  the  civil  law  was 
powerless.  Landlords  were  paid  immense  premi 
ums  and  winked  at  it.  If  arrested  by  the  civil 
police  they  were  always  boarding-house  keepers. 
In  such  cases,  I  used  to  have  the  premises  exam- 


138        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

ined,  and,  if  found  as  charged,  I  put  them  into  the 
street,  without  notice,  and  took  the  key  to  the 
office.  To  give  them  such  notice  as  humanity 
dictated,  was  to  give  them  leave  to  stay,  for  the 
many  officers  whose  plans  were  disarranged  by  such 
summary  proceedings  were  almost  sure  to  get  a 
higher  order  countermanding  mine.  If  they  got 
too  troublesome  the  depot  guard  sent  them  out  of 
the  city  as  often  as  they  came  back. 

Not  frequently  mothers  and  fathers  came  to 
hunt  for  missing  sons,  or  wives  for  lost  husbands, 
while  officers  of  Union  and  Soldiers'  Aid  Societies 
with  material  supplies  for  the  sick  and  wounded 
were  numerous,  and  in  all  these  cases  it  was  a 
pleasure  to  be  able  to  do  the  right  thing  on  the  spot, 
without  the  delay  of  red  tape.  But  the  people 
generally  supposed  the  provost  marshal  to  have 
greater  power  than  he  had,  and  if  an  impossible 
or  unreasonable  request  was  denied,  it  was  fre 
quently  explained  by  some  personal  hostility.  I 
have  frequently  received  the  most  profuse  thanks 
for  granting  a  pass  to  people  whom  I  never  saw 
(that  being  done  altogether  by  subordinates), 
and  again,  the  most  revengeful  messages  from 
others  because  they  had  been  refused,  by  the  same 
subordinates.  Even  officers  in  the  field,  if  their 
request  for  a  supply  of  liquor  was  made  to  conform 
to  the  general  order  that  none  be  sent  except  when 
recommended  by  at  least  one  brigadier-general, 
were  not  moderate  in  their  denunciations.  I 
remember  allowing  the  wife  of  a  Polish  colonel  to 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        139 

join  her  husband  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  as  a 
special  favor.  On  her  return,  she  overwhelmed 
me  with  thanks  and  tried  to  make  me  many 
valuable  presents,  which  were  declined.  On  the 
other  hand  because  the  Secretary  refused  all  passes 
and  I  could  therefore  not  grant  one  to  a  gentleman 
who  desired  to  visit  his  son  at  Aquia  Creek,  he 
denounced  me  to  the  President  as  a  military 
tyrant. 

The  friends  of  repentant  Rebels  were  a  great 
source  of  annoyance. 

One  son  of  a  bishop  who  had  gone  South  and 
fought  under  Lee  was  captured  and  in  the  Old 
Capitol.  He  got  his  friends  to  try  to  affect  his 
release  without  taking  the  oath.  They  worked 
earnestly  for  him.  But  I  forwarded  him  to  For 
tress  Monroe,  for  exchange.  My  experience  was 
that  this  oath  was  regarded  as  straw,  and  merely 
the  means  of  deliverance,  and  that  as  soon  as  these 
gentlemen  were  tired  of  doing  nothing,  they  turned 
up  again  under  Lee.  One  Pennsylvania  boy, 
who  had  left  his  State  for  the  South,  and  who 
appeared  in  the  Old  Capitol,  wrote  an  affecting 
letter  to  his  aunt  in  Pennsylvania,  declaring  his 
repentance  of  his  folly,  and  asking  for  a  remittance. 
She  answered  very  briefly  that  as  for  his  profes 
sions  they  were  scarcely  supported  by  his  conduct, 
but  she  enclosed  him  twenty-five  cents  in  U.  S. 
stamps,  with  which  to  write  good  Union  letters 
to  his  affectionate  aunt. 

One  evening,  the  son  of  a  Washington  lawyer 


140        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

with  his  wife  and  family  arrived  in  Washington, 
having  run  the  blockade,  and  appeared  at  his 
father's  house.  The  old  man  was  strong  Union, 
and  next  morning  came  right  to  me  and  told  me 
his  son  went  to  link  his  fortune  with  the  Confeder 
acy  and  thought  the  tide  had  turned.  He  was  a 
Rebel  and  was  not  to  be  permitted  to  take  the  oath. 
The  son  accordingly  was  held  for  exchange,  but 
finally,  on  account  of  his  family,  he  was  permitted 
to  take  the  oath  and  was  put  under  heavy  bonds 
to  keep  it. 

A  fruitful  source  of  trouble  was  the  possession 
of  Government  property  by  citizens;  which  the 
guards  were  ordered  to  seize  wherever  found  and 
restore  to  the  Government.  At  the  depot  the  guard 
daily  took  away  from  citizens  who  had  visited 
the  battlefields  and  who  had  gathered  trophies, 
from  ten  to  one  hundred  pieces  of  swords,  muskets, 
and  side  arms.  A  large  trade  was  also  carried  on 
by  our  own  officers  in  this  way.  Many  cavalry 
officers  managed  to  send  to  their  friends  at  home 
their  captured  horses,  instead  of  turning  them 
over  to  the  quartermasters.  But  these  were 
generally  found  and  stopped  at  Washington. 
The  shipment  to  friends  at  home  of  arms  and 
property  captured  in  the  South  was  not  unusual. 
This  sort  of  property  was  sold  at  the  market  and 
the  money  turned  over  to  the  Government. 

But  the  item  of  greatest  account  was  the  swin 
dling  in  Government  property  by  quartermasters. 

One  of  Blenker's  division,  when  the  army  moved, 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        141 

had  a  three-story  wareroom  crammed  with  pro 
perty  which  was  being  taken  by  his  confederates 
out  of  the  alley  in  the  rear  and  being  sent  to 
New  York. 

A  common  dodge  of  quartermasters  was  to  get 
large  amounts  of  sutler's  stores  in  their  invoices, 
convey  them  to  the  army,  and  sell  them  at  great 
profits. 

Another  scheme  whereby  the  Government  lost 
to  a  great  amount  was  in  buying  horses  and  selling 
them.  An  inspecting  officer,  who  had  been  prop 
erly  manipulated,  imposed  on  the  Government, 
at  the  rate  of  $120.00  per  head,  horses  worth  on  an 
average  $50,  and  condemned  as  worthless  horses 
that  were  sold  at  $5.00  and  netted  the  buyers 
$30.00. 

Sutler's  stores  commanded  such  immense  profits 
that  it  paid  to  take  all  the  risks  of  confiscation.  In 
this  business  the  Baltimore  Jews  excelled.  Their 
favorite  route  was  via  Port  Tobacco,  stopping  at 
the  Kimmel  House  at  Washington.  The  favorite 
plan  was  to  send  a  woman  with  a  large  pile  of 
trunks,  with  false  bottoms — the  tops  being  cov 
ered  with  articles  of  female  clothing.  Quinine, 
morphine,  opium,  and  Confederate  buttons  ap 
peared  to  be  in  the  greatest  demand.  The  pro 
prietor  of  the  Kimmel  House  was  frequently 
arrested  on  suspicion  of  complicity,  but  the 
Secretary  a;  often  released  him. 

The  amount  of  liquors  daily  confiscated  at  the 
bridges,  endeavoring  to  pass  without  authority, 


142         Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

averaged  in  value  about  $500.00,  and  that  con 
fiscated  for  ill:gal  sales  in  the  city  was  about  the 
same.  The  cellars  of  the  office  were  crowded  with 
boxes  of  the  choicest  French  and  German  wines. 
These  were  eventually  turned  over  to  the  Com 
missary  Department. 

With  the  large  sums  of  money  in  the  hands  of 
newly  fledged  officers,  the  gambling  houses  of  course 
did  a  flourishing  business;  and  with  the  houses  of 
ill  fame,  the  most  that  could  be  done  was  to  keep 
them  under  restraint.  To  suppress  what  was 
under  the  patronage  of  leading  people  in  the  United 
States  was  out  of  the  question.  In  many  cases, 
officers  complained  that  having  become  incited 
with  liquor  they  had  entered  gambling-hells  and 
been  fleeced  out  of  all  their  pay.  Ordinarily  I 
would  give  no  redress,  thinking  the  punishment 
deserved.  Sometimes,  however,  there  were  cir 
cumstances  that  showed  a  downright  robbery— 
and  if  satisfied  on  that  point,  I  would  direct  an 
instant  return  of  the  money  or  enforce  a  confisca 
tion  of  the  house,  furniture,  and  tools,  depositing 
the  key  at  headquarters.  This,  in  all  but  one  case, 
brought  forth  the  stolen  money.  As  a  rule,  the 
proprietors  of  these  establishments  appeared  to 
feel  an  interest  in  preserving  a  reputation  for  fair 
play,  and  hated  publicity  above  all  things.  They 
needed  only  to  be  told  what  the  military  authorities 
wanted — short  of  closing  them  up — to  comply. 
One  of  these  establishments,  the  largest  in  the 
city,  was  never  kept  closed,  although  frequently 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        143 

ordered  to  be.  They  had  the  saloon  upstairs, 
entered  through  a  winding  passage,  and  through 
one  outer  and  three  inner  doors,  at  each  of  which 
stood  a  watchman,  communicating  with  a  guard 
on  the  pavement  outside.  At  the  slightest  ap 
proach  of  alarm,  the  signal  was  given  and  passed 
upstairs,  the  dealer  hid  his  cards  and  chips,  and  the 
inmates  escaped  through  a  passage  in  the  rear. 

The  doors  were  then  opened  and  showed  nothing 
but  a  splendidly  furnished  suite  of  rooms,  with 
chairs  in  crimson,  and  richly  framed  oil  paintings 
on  the  walls,  and  a  supper  table  laden  with  deli 
cacies  of  food  and  wine,  superior  to  any  that  could 
be  procured  elsewhere  in  the  city.  The  secret 
police,  of  course,  were  frequently  here  as  spectators 
and  players,  but  they  were  never  sharp  enough 
to  bring  the  guard  in  at  the  moment  when  the 
playing  was  going  on.  Of  course,  the  proof  was 
abundant,  but  the  influences  that  baffled  me  were 
of  too  high  a  character  to  be  overcome  by  a  sub 
ordinate  officer  of  the  army. 

Many  attempts  were,  of  course,  made  to  remove 
me  from  office,  but  I  had  no  need  to  fear  such  as 
long  as  General  Wadsworth  was  in  command. 
He  knew  the  natural  result  of  a  vigorous  re 
straint  on  established  nuisances,  and  he  expected 
retaliation. 

The  other  natural  resource — bribery,  was  also 
not  left  untried.  To  induce  me  to  let  this  same 
gambling  establishment  alone,  I  was  offered,  by 
parties  who  claimed  to  be  authorized,  a  colonel's 


144        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

commission.  I  never  inquired  whether  they  had 
such  authority,  but  kept  battering  away  at  the 
gambling  until  I  left. 

The  largest  pecuniary  bribe  I  was  ever  offered 
came  from  Jews.  One  of  them,  a  quartermaster  of 
a  cavalry  regiment,  had  been  arrested  for  shipping 
navy  revolvers  to  Baltimore  and  selling  them, 
and  was  awaiting  trial  by  court-martial  at  the  Old 
Capitol.  The  case  was  a  clear  one  and  the 
evidence  sure  to  convict  him. 

His  wife,  a  young  and  beautiful  woman  of 
Baltimore,  apparently  highly  educated  and  refined, 
and  dressed  in  silks  and  diamonds,  came  and  threw 
herself  at  Wadsworth's  feet  imploring  him,  in 
tears,  to  have  mercy  on  her  and  her  family  and 
spare  them  the  disgrace  of  a  conviction  for  dis 
honorable  conduct.  Wads  worth  would  not  hear 
her.  She  then  begged  for  only  a  few  minutes' 
interview  with  him.  But  the  Governor,  dis 
gusted  with  her  husband's  treachery,  would  give 
her  no  satisfaction. 

She  now  shifted  her  attack  to  me.  That  day, 
while  sitting  down  to  dinner  at  Willard's,  I  was 
told  that  a  lady  wished  to  see  me  upstairs  in  her 
parlor,  on  the  most  urgent  business.  I  promised 
to  come  after  dinner.  Nothing  would  do,  however, 
but  that  I  come  immediately.  I  went  upstairs 
and  found  the  quartermaster's  wife,  who  made  to 
me  the  same  appeal.  I  told  her  I  could  and  would 
do  nothing. 

It   appears,   however,   that    I  must    have   ex- 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        145 

pressed  myself  with  too  much  courtesy  to  forbid 
all  hope. 

Next  morning,  before  I  had  arisen,  I  was  awaked 
by  a  Jew  from  Philadelphia  with  whom  I  was  well 
acquainted,  and  who  afterwards  turned  up  in  the 
Old  Capitol  for  making  too  much  money  out  of  a 
horse-contract.  As  we  were  alone,  he  sat  down 
on  the  bed  and  proceeded  to  talk  business  and 
come  to  his  point  at  once.  He  wanted  that 
quartermaster  honorably  out  of  the  scrape,  and 
was  willing  to  pay  to  get  it  done,  without  regard 
to  cost.  To  begin  operations  he  laid  down  on  the 
counterpane  a  roll  of  one  thousand  dollar  treasury 
notes  and  a  cluster  diamond  ring,  and  presented 
his  plan  of  accomplishing  his  friend's  release 
without  compromising  myself.  I  could  either 
connive  at  his  escape,  or  prevent  his  trial,  or 
influence  the  War  Department  to  release  him,  or,  if 
it  came  to  the  worst,  pack  the  court  with  officers 
directed  to  acquit. 

It  was  also  possible,  although  he  did  not  say  so, 
or  seem  to  think  it,  for  me  to  take  his  money,  keep 
it  and  put  him  (the  briber)  out  of  the  way  of  telling. 

But  his  chief  argument  was  that  if  I  did  suffer 
for  it,  I  had  a  fortune  to  console  me.  I,  of  course, 
refused  and  asked  him  to  leave.  He  refused  to  go, 
until  I  rang  the  bell,  when  he  packed  up  his  roll 
and  rings  and  went  away.  When  he  was  outside 
the  door,  however,  he  apparently  thought  of  firing 
a  farewell  shot,  and  threw  the  ring  into  the  room 
through  the  ventilator.  I  showed  it  to  Wadsworth 


146        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

and  sent  it  to  the  quartermaster's  wife,  to  whom 
I  suppose  it  belonged.  Her  husband  was  con 
victed  and  was  sent  to  the  penitentiary. 

Prudence  alone  would  have  dictated  such  re 
fusals.  My  successor  in  the  office  was  unfortunate 
enough,  although  I  believe  a  strictly  honest  man, 
to  have  consented  to  take  a  ring  from  an  Italian 
woman,  advancing  her  money  on  it.  This  transac 
tion  led  to  his  trial  and  dismissal,  although  he 
was  afterwards  reinstated. 

Small  bribes,  or  to  speak  more  gently,  presents, 
were  sent  in  great  numbers,  and  generally  were 
left  at  the  rooms  with  a  card, — cases  of  wine,  boxes 
of  cigars,  money,  jewelry,  tickets — and  were 
returned  or  turned  over  to  the  Government. 
There  was  no  sense  in  offering  me  bribes,  for  the 
good  reason  that  had  I  wanted  to  steal  or  even  to 
make  money  by  methods  that  were  dishonest,  but 
not  dangerous,  I  could  have  had  abundant  oppor 
tunities  without  any  risk  whatever;  in  the  dis 
position  and  sale  of  the  vast  amount  of  confiscated 
Government  stores,  which  were  uninventoried, 
and  of  which  I  had  the  disposal  without  being 
responsible  to  anybody, — depots  of  clothing,  ships 
and  cargoes  of  smuggled  goods,  Confederate  and 
Government  money — horses,  medicines,  and  a 
thousand  valuable  things  which  I  could  ship 
North  and  sell,  and  keep  the  money,  without  the 
knowledge  of  any  one.  So,  in  purchasing  stores 
for  the  contrabands,  that  was  entirely  my  business, 
and  I  was  not  obliged  to  render  to  any  one  an 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty         147 

account  of  what  I  did,  or  to  whom  or  how  much  I 
paid. 

The  theatre  and  concert  saloons  of  Washington 
understood  very  well  how  to  get  along  with  the 
military  powers,  and  gave  the  officers  of  the  guard 
every  assistance  in  the  disagreeable  duty  of  passing 
through  the  audience  and  arresting  and  taking 
along  every  officer  and  soldier  who  had  no  proper 
authority  for  being  there.  To  show  the  number 
at  the  places  of  amusement  of  an  evening,  I  submit 
the  following  report : 

HEADQUARTERS  PROVOST  MARSHAL'S  OFFICE, 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Dec.  30,  1862. 
LIEUT.  COL.  DOSTER, 
Provost  Marshal. 
COL.  : 

In  compliance  with  your  order  to  visit  all  the 
places  of  amusement  in  this  City  and  report  to  you 
the  number  of  officers  and  enlisted  men,  I  report  the 
following  number,  as  being  correct  to  the  best  of  my 
knowledge,  found  at  the  following  places — 

Grovers— Theatre  63  officers  and  76  enlisted  men 

Fords  43  "  "    51  "  » 

Washington  "  44  "  "    14 

Canterbury  Hall  28  "  "33  "  "    orderly  & 

Washington 

Varieties  22  "  "    51  "  " 

Winter  Garden  5  "  "4  "  " 

Academy  of  Music  I  "  "    12  "  " 

Metropolitan  Hall  18-224  "  "    16-257  "  " 

At  the  Varieties  they  sell  drinks,  both  strong  and 
otherwise  but  I  saw  no  one  intoxicated;  at  the 
Academy  of  Music,  Winter  Garden  and  Metropolitan 


148        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Hall  the  same  was  going  on  but  saw  no  disorderly 
conduct,  nor  liquor  sold  to  soldiers — (Privates). 

ELMER  D.  MC!NTOSH. 

As  the  audiences  were  mainly  officers  and 
soldiers  and  Northern  citizens,  the  natural  desire 
to  please  the  audience  produced  a  drama  that,  if 
not  very  high,  was  with  few  exceptions  loyal. 
I  remember  only  twice  being  obliged  to  interfere 
on  that  account.  Grover,  after  the  second  Bull 
Run,  represented  General  McDowell  in  a  ludicrous 
light  as  running  away  from  Bull  Run  field;  which 
was  interdicted.  Canterbury  Hall  was  once  closed 
for  indecencies.  It  was  notable  that  the  plays 
ordinarily  were  far  removed  from  war  and  its 
horrors,  and  the  most  popular  were  such  light 
plays  as  dealt  with  pastoral  and  peaceful  subjects. 
Any  allusion  to  "mother"  addressed  to  the  crowds 
of  young  men  absent  from  home,  although  made 
ad  nauseam,  never  failed  to  bring  down  the  house. 
The  war  appeared  only  in  the  songs  and  the  poor 
poetry— 

Oh !  I've  come  down  to  Washington 
To  fight  for  Abraham's  glory, 

and  the  other, 

The  Captain  with  his  whiskers  cast  a  sly  glance  at  me, 

were  the  favorites. 

It  happened  only  twice  in  that  time  that  new 
regiments  refused  to  cross  the  line  that  divided 
the  enemy's  country  from  ours. 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        149 

Once  a  Pennsylvania  regiment  embarked  at 
the  Arsenal  on  a  steamer  bound  for  Fortress 
Monroe  became  refractory.  In  the  morning  it 
was  found  that  the  entire  ship's  crew  and  the 
officers  had  been  seized  and  confined  and  the  en 
listed  men  were  masters  of  the  ship.  The 
commandant  of  the  Arsenal  sent  word  of  the  situ 
ation.  I  went  aboard  and  demanded  of  the 
men  the  instant  release  of  the  prisoners.  They 
claimed  that  they  had  been  enlisted  only  for  the 
defenses  of  Washington  and  not  for  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac.  I  answered  that  they  could  settle 
that  when  they  were  at  Fortress  Monroe,  by 
appealing  to  their  commanding  General,  but  now 
they  must  obey  orders  and  release  their  officers. 
Making  no  movement,  I  drew  up  a  battalion  of 
infantry,  with  orders  to  sweep  the  decks  and  fire 
by  platoons.  The  clink  of  the  ramrods  in  the 
muzzles  brought  them  to  terms  and  they  went  off 
with  a  detail  of  the  guard  on  board. 

On  another  occasion,  the  men  of  a  new  regiment 
refused  to  embark  at  all  until  their  officers  were 
changed,  saying  that  their  colonel  and  lieutenant- 
colonel  were  entirely  worthless.  The  sequel,  in 
which  the  lieutenant-colonel  afterwards  landed  in 
the  Old  Capitol  for  horse-stealing,  shows  they  were 
not  entirely  wrong.  But  orders  had  to  be  obeyed, 
and  they  were  driven  on  board,  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet,  and  the  officers  sent  by  land  to  Fortress 
Monroe. 

An  interesting  class,  whom  the  authorities  often 


150        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

had  to  deal  with,  were  the  foreign  adventurers  who 
sought  their  fortunes  in  the  Union  Army.  Not 
able  stands  the  "  Brigadier- General "  Bolen,  who 
was  to  be  found  at  the  Kirkwood,  wearing  a  uniform 
of  brigadier-general,  but  without  any  authority 
whatever  for  wearing  it  except — that  he  had  a 
plan  for  pontoons  and  knew  Mr.  Seward.  He  was 
three  times  taken  to  the  guardhouse  and  stripped 
of  his  uniform,  but  his  perseverance  brought  him 
back.  The  third  time  he  was  showered  and 
ordered  to  New  York,  under  penalty  of  the  ball 
and  chain.  He  then  disappeared. 

Another  little  gentleman  appeared  at  Willard's 
wearing  a  staff  captain's  uniform,  claiming  to  be  the 
natural  son  of  Lord  Byron,  by  a  Spanish  Countess, 
and  gave  his  name  as  George  de  Luna  Byron. 
He  was  ordered  to  take  off  his  uniform  and  did  so, 
but  pertinaciously  reappeared  in  it  until  ordered 
out  of  the  city.  He  was  otherwise  quite  harmless. 
The  Count  de  Schweinitz,  a  barber,  and  a  most  ele 
gant  and  courtly  looking  man,  of  manners,  which 
the  Washington  ladies  pronounced  most  charming, 
had  letters  to  Mr.  Seward  who  secured  him  a 
colonel's  commission  on  McClellan's  staff.  Huse- 
mann,  the  Austrian  Minister,  also  vouched  for  his 
genuineness,  and  cashed  a  large  draft  for  him,  when 
his  funds  ran  low  from  giving  dinner  parties.  The 
landlord  of  the  New  York  Hotel,  a  very  clever 
German,  in  addition  to  letting  him  run  up  a  large 
account,  lent  him  $800.00,  for  what  will  not  a 
landlord  do  for  a  rich  count  ?  After  he  had  had  all 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        151 

these  he  was  suddenly  discovered.  There  were  no 
counts  de  Schweinitz.  The  guard  was  ordered  to 
arrest  him,  but  on  a  Sunday  afternoon  he  quickly 
rode  by  the  picket  on  the  Baltimore  Turnpike 
and  never  was  heard  of  more. 

At  this  New  York  Hotel,  6th  and  D  streets,  could 
be  found  a  great  gathering  of  the  German  officers, 
many  noblemen  of  Blenker's,  Sigel's,  and  Stein- 
wehr's  commands.  There  was  a  summer  garden 
and  music  in  the  open  air.  Here,  nightly,  a 
Prussian  lieutenant  of  artillery  played  on  the 
piano  and  sang  comic  songs,  for  his  board,  while 
he  was  working  his  cards  at  the  State  Department. 
He  finally  succeeded  in  getting  a  lieutenant- 
colonel's  commission  in  a  New  York  infantry 
regiment. 

Colonel  D'-  -  quarreled  with  his  quarter 
master.  The  mistress  of  the  former  prefers  charges 
against  the  latter  who  is  sent  to  the  Old  Capitol. 
When  the  latter  is  released  he  turns  round  and 
informs  on  the  mistress,  that  she  has  Government 
property  in  her  possession,  and  D'-  -  is  sent 
to  Sing  Sing. 

Lieutenant-colonel  C—  quarreled  with 

Colonel  S—  -  of  Scott's  900,  his  chief,  and  the 
first  is  sent  to  the  Old  Capitol.  C—  -  is  made 
colonel  of  the  4th  New  York  and  turns  round  and 
gets  S—  -  dismissed.  He  is  also  reinstated. 

One  colonel  of  a  Pennsylvania  cavalry  regiment, 
a  German  Jew,  is  dismissed  and  thrown  into  the 
Old  Capitol,  for  stealing  horses.  He  is  released 


152        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

and  tries  to  be  made  a  brigadier-general  but  fails. 
Undaunted  he  deals  in  substitutes. 

Another  German,  lieutenant-colonel  of  a  Penn 
sylvania  cavalry  regiment,  is  imprisoned  for  the 
same  offense,  is  released,  and  opens  a  lager-beer 
saloon  on  the  Avenue. 

Among  these  foreigners  was  a  Danish  lieutenant 
of  cavalry,  a  lieutenant  in  the  5th  Pennsylvania 
Cavalry,  who  excited  the  wonder  of  all  who  saw 
him  for  his  great  size  and  personal  beauty. 

Colonel  Havelock,  whose  breast  was  covered 
with  decorations,  and  whom  McClellan  appointed 
colonel  and  inspector-general  on  his  staff  was,  the 
colonel  claimed,  most  shabbily  treated  by  Mc 
Clellan,  who,  on  leaving  for  Yorktown,  left  him 
behind,  as  if  he  had  utterly  forgotten  him.  The 
old  and  venerable  colonel  was  very  much  insulted 
and  applied  to  Stanton  for  assignment.  Stan  ton 
sent  him  to  Wads  worth,  and  Wads  worth  had 
him  inspect  one  battalion  of  cavalry — all  he  had. 
The  colonel  endured  this  for  a  year  and  then  went 
home  in  disgust. 

It  was  a  singular  thing  to  see  how  many  English 
men  applied  to  me  for  assistance  to  commissions, 
on  the  ground  that  they  had  participated  in  the 
charge  of  the  Light  Brigade  at  Balaclava,  consider 
ing  the  number  who  fell  in  the  charge. 

The  second  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  the  most 
exciting  event  of  my  term  in  its  effect  on  Washing 
ton  City. 

About  four  o'clock  on  Saturday  evening  a  bulle- 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        153 

tin  was  placed  on  the  eastern  front  of  the  Treasury 
Department  announcing  in  large  letters,  that  a 
great  victory  over  the  Rebels  had  been  won  at  the 
old  battlefield  of  Bull  Run — that  10,000  dead  and 
wounded  men  were  lying  on  the  field,  that  all  good 
citizens  should  meet  there  at  5  P.M.  with  such 
articles  of  food  and  medicine  as  they  had  on  hand, 
and  be  carried  to  the  field  in  ambulances.  Signed 
by  E.  M.  Stanton,  Secretary  of  War. 

Around  this  placard  was  a  big  crowd,  some 
arguing  against  the  probabilities  of  victory,  others 
swearing  by  Pope  who  had  his  "headquarters  in  the 
saddle,"  others  hurrying  to  spread  the  news  and 
get  ready  for  the  ambulance  train. 

At  the  same  time,  a  telegram  was  flashed  over 
the  Northern  wires,  announcing  a  signal  victory, 
that  fighting  was  still  going  on,  that  there  was  a 
great  want  of  physicians  and  nurses.  All  patriots 
who  could  assist  in  either  capacity  should  hasten 
to  report  to  the  surgeon-general  and  be  sent  to  the 
field. 

At  5  P.M.  the  crowd  at  the  Treasury  was  already 
dense.  No  ambulances  appeared.  The  mass  of 
people  extended  from  the  surgeon-general's  office 
to  Willard's.  At  length  the  train  arrived  and  was 
quickly  filled  with  eager  passengers,  but  not  one 
quarter  found  room.  More  trains  arrived  and 
until  9  P.M.  an  incessant  stream  of  ambulances 
carrying  commissary  stores,  medicines,  liquors, 
doctors,  nurses,  and  curious  citizens  passed  down 
1 4th  Street  over  Long  Bridge.  In  the  confusion, 


154        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

there  passed  through  our  lines,  at  this  unexpected 
and  sudden  news,  well-known  traitors,  officers  on 
leave  of  absence,  convalescents  from  the  hospitals, 
generals  and  staffs  on  duty  in  the  city,  women, 
children,  and  girls,  congressmen  who  wanted 
to  see  a  battlefield,  State,  sanitary,  and  Christian 
commission  agents. 

When  the  ambulances  had  gone,  the  crowd 
seized  carriages,  cabs,  omnibuses,  dog-carts,  horses, 
and  many  walked  to  the  field.  Still  the  insatiate 
and  turbulent  crowd  needed  conveyance,  still  the 
surgeon-general  had  another  body  of  excited  nurses 
to  forward,  still  the  quartermaster  had  more  sup 
plies  to  send  and  no  way  to  send  them.  Trans 
portation  must  be  furnished  and  I  was  ordered 
to  furnish  it.  I  scattered  a  regiment  of  cavalry 
and  two  of  infantry  throughout  the  two  cities  with 
orders  to  take  every  animal  that  could  draw  and 
every  vehicle  that  could  be  drawn,  and  bring  it 
to  my  office  with  drivers. 

The  cavalry,  delighted  with  the  sweeping  nature 
of  their  orders,  with  drawn  saber  commanded 
cabmen  to  "unload  and  come  along."  The 
traveling  world  of  the  avenue  was  forcibly  or 
peaceably  ejected.  Strangers  arriving  in  the  cars 
and  taking  cabs  were  obliged  to  dismount  before 
reaching  the  hotel,  ladies  in  dinner  toilette, — all 
were  compelled  to  alight  and  let  their  drivers 
follow  the  cavalry  despot. 

By  9  P.M.  I  Street  down  to  I7th,  the  Avenue,  igth 
Street  down  to  the  Avenue  were  jammed  with 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        155 

a  variety  of  vehicles  and  drivers  in  every  shade  of 
rage  and  indignation.  A  caravan  was  formed  and 
loaded  and  ordered  off  under  cavalry  escort. 
Before  reaching  Georgetown,  some  drivers  upset, 
and  the  back  of  the  sabre  was  used  to  straighten 
them.  So  the  night  continued.  New  trains  were 
formed,  loaded,  and  forwarded.  At  twelve  o'clock 
a  peremptory  order  arrived  to  furnish  a  train  for 
quartermaster  stores  at  22nd  and  G  Streets  by  six 
in  the  morning. 

Orders  were  then  issued  to  seize  the  horses  of 
the  horse-cars  and  harness  them  to  the  extinct 
omnibus  line;  and  to  search  the  livery  stables, 
cab  depots,  and  private  stables  for  horses  and 
drivers. 

At  five  in  the  morning,  the  whole  visible  region 
of  streets  was  again  packed  with  omnibuses,  cabs, 
market  wagons,  old  family  coaches,  hay  wagons, 
dog-carts,  rockaways,  sulkies,  coupes,  and  gigs. 

They  were  again  formed  in  line  and  ordered  to 
move  to  the  quartermaster's  to  be  laden.  The 
drivers  refused;  their  horses  were  not  fed  or 
watered;  some  were  suddenly  ill;  others  had 
broken  axles  or  tires ;  all  were  able  to  swear  roundly 
and  copiously.  At  last,  however,  they  moved 
forward. 

Then  news  came  that  the  victory  was  not  so 
brilliant.  There  had  been  first  a  check,  then 
defeat,  then  defeat  explained  by  McDowell's 
alleged  treason,— a  report  that  Sigel  had  tried 
to  shoot  McDowell  for  treason— next,  a  report 


156        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

that  a  council  of  war  called  and  concluded  to  fall 
back — report  that  Pope  had  been  baffled  by 
McClellan,  that  Porter  had  refused  to  come  to 
time — defeat  and  apologies  for  defeat — the  army 
back  in  the  defenses  of  Centerville. 

By  the  arrival  of  the  New  York  train  at  eight 
o'clock  the  effect  of  Stanton's  telegram  was  ap 
parent  in  the  crowds  of  country  practitioners,  pro 
fessors,  undergraduates,  and  nurses  who  came  and 
offered  themselves  as  called  for. 

The  exigencies  of  the  service  had  been  changed 
since  they  were  sent  for.  Nothing  except  quarter 
masters'  stores  were  now  admitted  across  the  river. 
The  patriot  nurses  were  superfluous  and  wandered 
about  in  the  vain  hope  of  being  smuggled  across  or 
of  receiving  an  appointment  at  Washington.  The 
majority  hastened  back,  after  a  vain  effort  to  get 
even  their  passage  paid,  cursing  the  Government 
which  played  upon  their  patriotic  instincts  and 
obliged  them  to  pay  the  piper. 

This  Sunday,  at  noon,  the  ambulance  trains 
began  to  return  filled  with  wounded,  some  of  the 
nurses  with  them.  They  considered  our  defeat  a 
terrible  one,  and  the  demoralization  was  very 
great.  Their  feeling  against  McDowell  was  very 
bitter.  They  reported  that  many  nurses  had 
wandered  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  that 
our  troops  were  hurrying  towards  the  city,  hunger 
driving  them  faster  than  the  enemy.  All  this  while 
McClellan,  with  only  his  bodyguard,  was  staying 
at  Alexandria  out  of  command. 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        157 

Monday.  All  eyes  were  turned  for  salvation  to 
McClellan.  He  received  command  within  the 
fortifications  of  all  the  troops  that  comprised  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  same  day  Pope  and 
McDowell  passed  through  Washington,  the  one 
for  West  Point,  the  other  for  the  Northwest. 

The  fortune  of  war  has  brought  McClellan  back 
to  his  house  on  the  corner  of  Fifteenth  and  H 
streets,  and  with  it  the  command  of  his  army, 
because  his  rival  Pope  has  been  tried  and  found 
wanting.  Here  I  saw  Reno  and  Burnside  receiving 
their  instructions.  The  army  passed  through.  It 
looked  terribly  worn  with  marching  and  fighting, 
but  it  was  commanded  by  the  only  commander  in 
whom  it  had  confidence.  There  was  a  great  deal 
of  drunkenness,  although  the  sale  of  liquor  was  for 
bidden  altogether.  The  straggling  was  not  great. 
The  boys  wanted  a  victory,  and  believed  they 
would  have  it.  They  were  on  Northern  soil  and 
that  cheered  them. 

We  all  breathed  freer  that  McClellan  was  again 
in  command,  at  least  every  one  looked  so.  Of 
course,  his  enemies,  to  be  consistent,  were  not 
sanguine.  The  army  once  through  the  city, 
we  relapsed  into  our  habitual  routine,  wondering 
what  the  two  armies  to  the  North  of  us  would 
do.  The  leading  surgeon  of  Washington  was 
arrested  and  sent  to  the  Old  Capitol  for  attending 
the  Rebels  and  refusing  to  touch  the  wounded 
Unionists. 

The  examples  of  Florence  Nightingale  in  the 


158        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Crimea  and  the  fame  of  Miss  Dix  brought  many 
young  women  to  Washington  and  to  me,  for  places 
as  nurses.  As  a  rule,  they  seemed  to  be  actuated 
by  the  most  humane  motives  mixed  with  a  great 
deal  of  sentiment.  I  used  to  send  them  all  to 
Miss  Dix,  until  this  lady  came  and  requested  me 
to  send  none  that  were  unable  to  turn  a  full  grown 
man  round  in  bed,  and  could  do  the  most  menial 
work.  This  thinned  the  ranks  of  applicants  very 
much.  As  I  was  called  upon  to  inspect  the  hos 
pitals  frequently,  I  cannot  forbear  paying  a  tribute 
of  admiration  to  the  cleanliness  and  excellence  of 
all  the  arrangements  and  the  beautiful  and  devoted 
side  of  human  nature  drawn  out  by  them.  Doug 
las  Row  Hospital,  in  charge  of  the  Sisters  of  Mercy, 
was  a  model  in  the  way  of  sweet,  pure  air, — a  very 
paradise  for  a  wounded  man.  The  Sisters  had  a 
little  oratorio  or  chapel  upstairs.  The  patients 
too  bore  up  in  all  instances  that  I  saw  with  great 
patience  and  bravery. 

I  remember  the  case  of  a  young  man,  which 
excited  a  good  deal  of  interest  at  the  Baptist 
Church  Hospital.  He  belonged  to  a  cavalry  regi 
ment,  was  quite  delicate,  and  seemed  to  be  dying 
of  consumption.  The  daughter  of  a  high  Govern 
ment  officer  took  quite  a  fancy  to  him,  brought  him 
a  great  many  luxuries,  and  corresponded  with  his 
mother.  In  time  she  noticed  that  the  boy  had 
something  weighing  on  his  mind  which  he  wished 
to  tell.  Several  times  he  began  but  failed  to  come 
to  the  point.  Finally  she  pressed  him  to  reveal 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        159 

his  troubles  as  he  would  to  his  own  sister.  "Well," 
he  said,  "I'm  almost  afraid  you'll  be  offended/' 
"No,  I  assure  you  I  will  be  delighted  to  hear  it. " 
"Well,  Miss,  I've  been  thinking  for  ever  so  long 
that  the  breeches  I  drew  of  the  Government 
were  too  wide,  and  I  want  them  taken  in. "  The 
young  lady  took  them  in,  but  she  wasted  no 
more  sentiment,  and  confined  herself  to  practical 
services. 

Two  other  young  ladies  were  cured  of  their 
romance.  One  day  the  officer  of  the  guard  ar 
rested  two  puny  looking  soldiers,  supposed  to  be 
drummer  boys.  They  refused  to  give  the  names 
of  their  regiments.  To  cure  them  of  their  obstin 
acy,  they  were  ordered  to  be  showered,  when  the 
discovery  was  made  that  they  were  girls.  Then 
they  told  that  they  came  from  Hagerstown,  Md., 
had  enlisted  in  the  service  to  be  with  certain  of 
their  friends  in  the  field.  General  Wadsworth  gave 
them  a  kind  admonition  for  the  folly  of  their  course 
and  sent  them  home  on  the  cars.  They  were  aged 
respectively  eighteen  and  twenty,  and  had  passed 
through  the  battle  of  Bull  Run. 

As  it  was  the  great  desire  and  effort  of  the 
military  authorities  to  stifle  information  instead  of 
spreading  news,  the  reporters  of  the  New  York 
press,  who  were  an  extremely  active  and  energetic 
class,  were  exposed  to  a  great  deal  of  insolence  and 
suffered  a  great  many  repulses  at  the  various  head 
quarters  in  the  city.  It  should  be  remembered  by 
the  future  historian  who  starts  on  the  hypothesis 


160        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

that  the  daily  papers  furnished  the  best  material, 
that  they  contained  only  such  information  as  the 
Government  either  voluntarily  gave  (frequently 
that  it  was  in  such  shape  as  the  Government 
wished)  or  such  as  leaked  out  through  subordinates, 
and  that  they  are  by  no  means  as  authentic  and  full 
as  they  might  have  been  if  there  had  been  no 
suppression.  The  great  field  for  collecting  news 
used  to  be  the  hall  of  Willard's,  from  about  five 
to  seven-thirty  in  the  evening.  At  these  hours, 
the  Congressmen  had  dined  and  were  willing  to 
chat,  the  officers  on  duty  who  knew  anything 
that  was  going  on  were  sauntering  about  to  meet 
acquaintances,  and  whatever  had  happened  of  note 
was  apt  to  be  spoken  of  or  within  the  knowledge 
of  some  one  present. 

Accordingly,  at  these  hours,  the  reporters  made 
their  grand  attack.  This  required  great  dexterity. 
Those  who  knew  much  did  not  care  to  tell.  Those 
who  knew  little  were  apt  to  gull  with  vague  or 
false  reports.  Besides  all  were  people  of  real  or 
fancied  importance,  who  could  not  be  handled 
with  too  much  suavity.  A  new  hand  would  say, 
"I'm  the  reporter  of  the  New  York  so  and  so— 
what  do  you  know?"  and  be  answered  with  a 
shrug.  The  older  gleaners  gently  led  people  into 
conversation  on  rumor,  feigned  or  real;  argued, 
discussed,  and  left  people  in  surprise  at  the  amount 
of  knowledge  they  had  let  escape.  They  were 
comrades,  intimates  with  every  one,  who  was 
connected  with  information;  they  were  constantly 


Incidents  of  Provost  Duty        161 

moving,  talking,  taking  a  note  here  in  lead-pencil, 
another  here  on  the  memory. 

By  seven-thirty  they  were  full  and  hurried  to 
their  offices  to  make  up  dispatches  which  had  to 
be  in  by  eight  P.M.  Of  course,  the  evening  papers 
of  Washington  supplied  the  best  basis  of  informa 
tion.  They  were  censored  and  shaped  into  items. 
If  there  was  a  dearth  of  news,  there  were  always 
rumors  to  deny.  So  Washington  got  its  own 
news  first  from  New  York. 

The  leading  reporters  were  Puleston,  Hill,  Stan- 
ton,  Henry,  McCormick,  and  Gobright. 

Although  at  the  time  Mayor  Wallach  and  the 
superintendent  of  police  were  in  office,  and  gave  me 
all  the  assistance  in  their  power,  they  practically 
could  not  do  much.  The  period  was  military, 
and  the  citizens  were  not  slow  in  finding  out  that 
all  privileges  came  from  that  source,  and  many 
availed  themselves  of  it  to  turn  civil  complaints 
into  military,  for  quick  redress.  A  common 
complaint  of  the  merchants  along  the  avenue 
was  that  rival  merchants  were  engaged  in  acts 
of  secession. 


CHAPTER  VI 

FREE  NEGROES,  CONTRABANDS,  AND 
SLAVES 

AFTER  the  Gordian  knot,  as  to  the  disposition 
of  slaves  who  were  abandoned  by  the  masters  on 
the  advance  of  the  Union  armies,  had  been  cut  by 
the  decision  of  General  Butler,  accepted  by  General 
Halleck,  classifying  the  slaves  with  abandoned 
rebel  cattle  and  corn,  and  as  such  liable  to  be 
held  and  used  by  the  Union  forces,  the  provost- 
marshal  general  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  for 
warded  great  numbers  of  them  to  Washington  for 
disposal. 

It  did  not  follow,  however,  that  the  disposal  of 
them  here  was  an  easy  task.  General  Butler's 
logic  did  well  enough  with  negroes  captured  on  the 
advance,  but  that  was  the  smallest  part.  How  to 
deal  with  those  who  abandoned  their  masters 
instead  of  being  abandoned  by  them?  And  it 
followed  by  no  means  because  the  runaway  said 
so,  that  his  master  was  disloyal  or  even  outside  the 
Union  lines.  In  addition,  they  were  entirely 
unused  to  freedom,  and  were  like  so  many  children 
asking  us  to  take  care  of,  rear  them,  teach  them, 
and  support  them  until  they  knew  how  to  manage 

162 


Negroes,  Contrabands,  and  Slaves  163 

themselves.  The  free  colored  negroes  at  Wash 
ington  hated  them  as  rivals.  The  slaves  despised 
them  for  being  runaways. 

Washington,  Baltimore,  and  Alexandria  were  still 
slave  cities  and  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  was  in  full 
force.  The  three  cities  each  still  had  its  slave 
pen,  surrounded  by  gangs  of  professional  kidnap 
pers,  who  found  in  the  contrabands  an  inex 
haustible  field  for  the  exercise  of  their  inhuman 
trade  and  for  filling  the  Washington  City  jail. 
Warrants  were  daily  issued  by  the  commissioners, 
under  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  which  enabled  the 
slave-owners  of  Maryland,  or  the  District  of 
Columbia  to  send  deputy  United  States  marshals 
into  the  midst  of  a  Union  regiment  or  contraband 
quarter,  to  secure  for  himself  the  property  in  any 
negro  who  had  escaped  from  Virginia,  and  for  the 
pure  legal  expenses. 

There  came  to  our  relief  the  Act  of  Congress  of 
July  17,  1862: 

That  all  slaves  of  persons  who  shall  hereafter  be 
engaged  in  rebellion  against  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  who  shall  in  any  way  give  aid  or 
comfort  thereto,  escaping  from  such  persons  and 
taking  refuge  within  the  lines  of  the  army,  and  all 
slaves  captured  from  such  persons  or  deserted  by 
them  and  coming  under  the  control  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  and  all  slaves  of  such  persons 
found  on,  or  being  within,  any  place  occupied  by  rebel 
forces  and  afterwards  occupied  by  the  forces  of  the 
United  States,  shall  be  deemed  captives  of  war,  and 


164        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

shall  be  forever  free  of  their  servitude,  and  not  again 
held  as  slaves. 

SEC.  X.  That  no  slaves  escaping  into  any  State, 
Territory,  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  from  any  other 
State,  shall  be  delivered  up,  or  in  any  way  impeded  or 
hindered  of  his  liberty,  except  for  crime  or  some  offense 
against  the  laws,  unless  the  person  claiming  said 
fugitives  shall  first  make  oath  that  the  person  to 
whom  the  labor  or  service  of  each  fugitive  is  alleged 
to  be  due  is  his  lawful  owner,  and  has  not  borne  arms 
against  the  United  States  in  the  present  rebellion, 
nor  in  any  way  given  aid  and  comfort  thereto.  And 
no  person  engaged  in  the  military  or  naval  service  of 
the  United  States  shall,  under  any  pretense  whatever, 
assume  to  decide  on  the  validity  of  the  claim  of  any 
person  to  the  labor  or  service  of  any  other  person,  or 
surrender  up  any  such  person  to  the  claimant  on  pain 
of  being  dismissed  from  the  service. 

To  retain  the  grip  the  military  police  had  on  their 
people,  and  comply  with  the  law,  the  following 
measures  were  taken  : 

Each  contraband,  on  his -arrival,  was  examined 
by  the  detectives  in  relation  to  the  loyalty  and 
residence  of  his  master,  and  was  furnished  with 
a  paper  signed  by  General  Wadsworth,  entitling 
him  to  the  protection  of  the  military  authori 
ties  of  the  United  States.  He  was  sent  under 
guard  to  what  was  then  called  Duff  Green's 
Row  (later  Carrol  Prison)  next  door  to  the  Old 
Capitol  Prison,  and  guarded  by  a  detachment 
of  the  Old  Capitol  Guard.  The  house  was  di- 


Negroes,  Contrabands,  and  Slaves  165 

vided  into  many  small  rooms.  The  contrabands 
were  lodged  and  under  the  superintendent  of  the 
Old  Capitol  and  were  supplied  with  rations  and 
fuel.  For  clothing,  I  turned  over  to  them  the 
stolen  second-hand  blankets  and  uniforms  re 
covered  in  the  hands  of  citizens.  The  men  were 
divided  into  squads  of  twenty,  under  white  non 
commissioned  officers,  and  made  subject  to 
requisitions  for  laborers  in  the  medical  and  quarter 
master's  bureaus,  and  received  as  wages  from 
fifty  cents  to  one  dollar  per  day. 

The  quarters  now  became  densely  crowded. 
Efforts  were  made  to  secure  them  employment  in 
families.  But  as  they  were  farm  hands,  nobody 
cared  to  have  them.  Shortly  afterward  the  small 
pox  broke  out  among  them.  The  sick  were  kept 
here,  the  house  turned  into  a  hospital,  and  the 
whole  removed  to  the  barracks,  about  a  mile  north 
of  Washington,  formerly  occupied  by  McClellan's 
bodyguard.  A  permanent  guard  was  necessary. 
The  smallpox  broke  out  among  them  again.  I 
offered  to  relieve  the  lieutenant  in  charge  and 
ordered  him  to  move  his  men  to  a  distance  from 
the  contagion.  He  thought  it  his  duty  however  to 
stand  by  them  in  trouble,  caught  the  malady,  and 
died.  During  the  winter  I  turned  a  lot  of  goods 
confiscated  at  Leonardstown  into  $2000,  and 
bought  them  cheap  bedding  and  clothing  at  Phila 
delphia.  As  fast  as  we  could  get  the  contrabands 
employment  we  shipped  them  North  and  made 
room  for  others.  In  spite  of  the  utmost  precau- 


1 66        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

tions,  the  slave-catchers — principally  two  named 
Wise  and  Allen,  succeeded  frequently  in  running 
these  freemen  into  the  Washington  Pen. 

One  evening,  the  chief  laundress  of  the  Hare- 
wood  Hospital,  Rachel  Sutherland,  a  contraband 
who  came  within  our  lines  at  Aquia  Creek,  and 
had  General  Wads  worth's  military  protection  on 
her  person,  was  surprised  at  the  unaccustomed 
absence  of  her  husband  Sandy  Sutherland,  em 
ployed  at  the  Patent  Office  Hospital.  She  sus 
pected  foul  play,  and  requested  Dr.  Johnson  the 
surgeon  in  charge  of  Harewood  to  go  with  her  to 
the  city  jail.  When  there,  she  was  told  she  could 
come  in,  but  as  soon  as  she  had  passed  the  door 
was  consigned  to  a  cell.  Her  three  young  children 
were  left  at  the  hospital  and  the  mother's  distress 
was  extreme.  Dr.  Johnson  turned  to  me  and 
indignantly  demanded  redress.  A  little  investiga 
tion  proved  that  this  notorious  pair,  Wise  and 
Allen,  had  run  her  husband  into  jail  although 
he  had  also  a  military  protection  on  his  person. 

I  sent  down  a  lieutenant  and  ten  men  with 
orders  to  release  the  negroes,  peaceably  if  they 
could,  forcibly,  if  they  must. 

The  jail  guards  refused  to  deliver  them,  but 
the  lieutenant  marched  his  men  inside  and,  resist 
ance  being  useless,  the  fugitives  were  given  up, 
the  mother  restored  to  her  children  and  the  hus 
band  placed  under  the  bayonets  of  the  United 
States  at  the  Patent  Office.  Next  day  I  caught 
the  kidnappers  and  gave  them  six  weeks'  solitary 


Negroes,  Contrabands,  and  Slaves  167 

confinement  in  the  Old  Capitol.  When  released 
they  returned  to  the  business.  This  dispute  was 
referred  to  President  Lincoln,  who  refused  to 
interfere.  [See  an  account  of  this  case  in  address 
on  Lincoln.] 

.  On  another  occasion  the  jail  officers  were  not  so 
easily  frightened. 

Complaint  having  been  made  to  Wadsworth, 
in  the  evening,  that  the  contraband  quarters  had 
been  invaded  and  a  Virginia  negro  taken  to  the 
jail,  the  general  ordered  a  lieutenant  to  go  down 
and  release  him.  The  deputy,  Phillips,  refused 
and  sent  for  Bradley,  his  attorney,  to  advise 
him  what  course  to  pursue.  Bradley  came  and 
advised  him  not  to  give  up  his  negro. 

Meanwhile  Lamon  returned  and  ordered  off  the 
lieutenant.  The  lieutenant  made  a  charge  and 
captured  Phillips  and  Bradley,  and  Lamon  cap 
tured  one  private  soldier  and  quickly  locked  the 
door.  There  was  no  use  trying  to  force  the  door 
at  that  hour,  and  besides  he  had  no  instructions  to 
proceed  to  violence.  So  he  took  Messrs.  Bradley 
and  Phillips  to  the  Central  Guard  House  where 
they  stayed  overnight.  Early  in  the  morning, 
Lamon  summoned  a  posse  comitatus  in  the  name  of 
the  United  States  to  release  his  deputy  and  his 
faithful  counselor.  One  man  responded.  The 
rest  had  no  fancy  for  charging  on  a  house  full  of 
soldiers.  So  the  two  remained  in  confinement. 
Meanwhile  I  came  to  the  headquarters  and  Wads- 
worth,  somewhat  chagrined  at  the  excess  of  his 


i68        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

orders  and  failure,  directed  me  to  go  down 
and  set  matters  to  rights.  I  accordingly  took 
down  a  battalion  of  infantry  and  waited  for  the 
marshal.  Diplomatic  negotiations  ensued.  I  de 
manded  my  soldier  and  my  negro — together  with 
the  keys  to  every  cell,  and  stated  that  after  that 
I  would  be  willing  to  talk  about  the  deputy  and 
the  counselor.  The  marshal  refused  to  give  up  the 
keys.  Meanwhile,  McDougal,  Senator  from  Cali 
fornia  arrived  and  began  an  oration  on  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as 
embodied  in  the  person  of  the  marshal.  To  cut 
matters  short  I  took  possession  by  force,  released 
the  soldier  and  the  contraband,  and  found  a 
number  of  others  in  like  situation  with  military 
protections  hidden  away  in  cells.  There  was  a 
general  delivery.  Then  I  thought  we  could  afford 
to  be  magnanimous  and  released  the  deputy  and 
counselor.  Lamon  hurried  to  the  White  House 
to  procure  the  instant  arrest  of  Wads  worth  and 
myself.  Fortunately  for  all  concerned  President 
Lincoln  was  not  at  home.  I  say  fortunately  for 
him,  for  these  conflicts  were  not  to  his  taste — he 
preferred  to  let  matters  decide  themselves.  Such 
secret  catching  of  slaves  continued,  even  after  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation  was  issued  January  I , 
1863,  and  after  slavery  had  been  abolished  in  the 
District. 

The  passage  of  the  Act  of  Congress  provided  for 
the  emancipation  of  slaves,  and  the  payment  of  the 
masters  in  the  District  of  Columbia  fell  like  a 


Negroes,  Contrabands,  and  Slaves  169 

stroke  of  lightning  on  the  slaveholders,  and  when 
they  had  recovered  a  little,  the  impulse  of  most  was 
to  run  their  slaves  into  Maryland.  They  seemed 
to  act  like  a  master  whose  house  is  burning  and 
carries  his  furniture  from  room  to  room,  unable  to 
comprehend  the  system  as  doomed  and  bound  to 
go  down.  The  trouble  they  had  to  encounter  was 
getting  the  negroes  off.  These  knew  their  right 
very  well  and  any  attempt  at  force  would  of  course 
have  produced  an  outcry  and  would  have  brought 
the  military  down  on  the  heads  of  the  masters. 
Therefore,  there  was,  all  at  once,  a  strange  be 
nignity  about  the  bearing  of  masters  toward  these 
people  and  then  gentle  persuasion  to  go  on  a  visit 
to  Baltimore  or  across  the  Anacostia  or  to  some 
country  seat  beyond  the  District  line.  One  man 
had  the  hardihood  to  ask  me  to  just  do  nothing 
about  his  slaves.  He  was  going  to  coax  them  off 
and  if  I  wouldn't  interfere  would  succeed.  I 
declined  to  be  neutral,  and  saw  to  it  that  this  class 
was  very  well  informed  of  what  they  had  to  gain 
by  staying  where  they  were.  Thus,  masters  who 
were  wise  hastened  to  draw  their  pay  and  retain 
their  servants  for  wages.  As  a  rule  the  people  were 
very  much  attached  and  stayed  where  they  were, 
but  the  number  of  rich,  free  negroes  at  Washington 
forbade  any  general,  successful  attempt  to  trick 
them  out  of  their  freedom.  I  heard  of  some  who 
were  run  out  into  Maryland  and  also  that  they 
escaped  altogether — leaving  the  master  with 
nothing. 


CHAPTER  VII 
CABINET  MEMBERS  AND  ARMY  OFFICERS 

PREEMINENT  for  ability  appeared  to  stand  out, 
during  this  Administration,  Salmon  P.  Chase. 
At  the  age  of  seventeen,  Chase  was  known  to  the 
Washingtonians  as  a  New  Hampshire  school 
master,  patronized  by  a  few  of  the  best  families 
of  the  city  in  I  Street  below  Nineteenth.  The 
old  residenters  have  told  me  that  at  this  time  he 
read  law  and  was  noted  for  his  fine  presence. 

On  his  return,  he  was  the  beau-ideal  of  a  fine- 
looking  American  gentleman,  had  been  twice 
Governor  of  Ohio,  was  eminent  as  a  lawyer,  and 
had  a  great  reputation  for  integrity.  His  manners 
were  affable,  but  very  dignified,  as  one  to  whom 
position  could  add  very  little. 

Personally  he  was  a  large,  powerful,  handsome 
man  in  whose  face  one  saw  the  propensity  to  make 
large  and  intricate  plans  and  carry  them  out  in 
detail.  Socially  he  was  by  no  means  as  brilliant  as 
Sumner.  His  conversation  was  apt  and  rather 
judicious,  while  Sumner 's  was  an  ever-flowing 
current  of  literary  reminiscences.  On  seeing  them 
together  one  would  say  that  Chase  rather  had  a 

170 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  171 

regard  for  Sumner  as  a  visionary,  but  had  too  much 
tact  to  confess  it. 

In  business,  Chase  was  impervious.  There 
never  was  a  man's  fall  so  cheered  by  his  own  sub 
ordinates  as  was  Chase's,  when  Lincoln  removed 
him.  He  seemed  never  to  have  any  friends — only 
admirers.  There  was  a  certain  air  of  policy,  per 
ceptible  behind  his  good  humor  that  does  not 
create  affection. 

He  was  not  without  genuine  good  feeling.  A 
certain  treasury  clerk — one  of  the  old  families, 
who  had  gone  to  Chase's  school,  but  never  could 
stoop  to  remind  the  Secretary  of  it — had  grown  old 
in  the  service  of  the  department,  and  now,  when 
the  new  currency  was  brought  out,  was  detailed  to 
sit  up  nights  and  cut  the  greenbacks  from  the  rolls 
into  notes.  His  eyesight  being  poor  by  gaslight, 
he  clipped  rather  too  far  into  the  margin,  and,  the 
offense  being  reported,  he  was  summarily  dis 
missed  by  the  secretary,  although  he  lived  opposite 
Chase  in  Sixth  Street,  where  his  daughter  was  a 
visitor.  The  clerk,  having  a  large  family  to  support, 
sent  a  letter  to  Chase  stating  who  he  was,  and  the 
Secretary  not  only  instantly  revoked  this  dismissal 
but  found  time  to  write  a  charming  note  to  his  old 
pupil,  apologizing  for  the  injury  and  promoting 
him  a  step  higher  in  the  department.  This  act 
was  attributed,  wrongly,  I  think,  to  the  daughter, 
for  the  Secretary  had  the  queer  luck  among  his 
subordinates  of  having  all  the  good  he  did  attri 
buted  to  his  daughter,  and  all  the  ill  to  himself. 


Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 


Indeed,  this  lady  plays  too  prominent  a  part  in 
our  war  to  be  overlooked.  It  is  not  rare,  indeed, 
among  the  daughters  of  English  noblemen,  to 
find  many  who  bear,  at  sight,  the  mark  of  generous 
breeding  and  who  would  assert  their  merit  as  well 
in  a  log  cabin  as  in  a  palace.  But  in  our  Republic, 
where  all  are  nurtured  for  a  more  general  destiny, 
it  would  be  difficult  to  find  one  more  admirably 
fitted  for  her  place  than  Miss  Kate  Chase.  Her 
person  was  not  preeminently  beautiful.  The  nose 
too  retrousse,  the  figure  was  too  lithe,  but  that  was 
balanced  by  a  finely  modeled  head,  large  hazel 
eyes,  a  delicately  cut  mouth  and  chin,  a  graceful 
and  dignified  carriage,  and  a  voice  of  great  sweet 
ness.  The  great  charm  of  the  lady  lay  doubtless 
in  her  conversation  and  in  her  ability  to  entertain 
men  and  women  of  the  most  diverse  character  —  a 
quality  nurtured,  I  hear,  by  presiding  early  at  her 
father's  table.  Was  there  a  tournament  of  wit, 
she  was  sure  to  say  the  best  thing.  Was  the  war 
the  topic,  she  left  the  impression  that  no  weakness 
in  the  character  of  any  general  or  move  in  strategy 
had  escaped  her  attention.  Were  politics  talked 
about,  she  calculated  chances,  and  fathomed  the 
popular  disposition  as  keenly  as  did  James  Gordon 
Bennett.  Yet  no  idea  of  the  blue-stocking  or 
strong-minded  was  given.  The  modesty  of  the 
woman  and  the  affection  of  the  daughter  remained 
paramount. 

Nevertheless,  the  house  of  Chase  left  an  im 
pression  of  politics  in  every  part.     The  attitude, 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  173 

the  embroideries,  the  dogs  seemed  designed  and 
posed.  Her  independence  was  seen  by  the  follow 
ing.  It  was  the  custom  of  the  ladies  in  incoming 
Cabinets  to  make  the  first  calls  on  the  people  of 
Washington.  Miss  Chase  refused  to  make  them. 
In  spite  of  it  when  she  gave  a  reception  it  was  the 
most  popular  of  the  season. 

A  lieutenant  of  cavalry  was  found  a  super 
numerary  and  suddenly  mustered  out.  She  was 
applied  to  and  sent  to  Mr.  Stanton  for  a  blank 
captain's  commission.  Mr.  Stanton  sent  back  a 
blank  lieutenant's.  She  returned  it  saying  she 
had  sent  for  a  captain's  commission.  The  com 
mission  was  sent  and  the  captain  mustered  in. 
He  was  afterwards  dismissed,  but  at  her  request, 
reinstated. 

There  was  a  quiet  dogmatic  way  of  exercising 
patronage  in  this  lady,  which  I  never  saw  sur 
passed,  and  I  have  no  doubt  many  a  general's 
star  is  owing  to  her  favor.  All  this  came  from 
Mrs.  Lincoln's  want  of  the  terrible  power  of  beauty 
and  brilliancy,  which  in  Miss  Chase,  made  her  as 
much  more  courted  than  the  President's  wife  as 
her  father  was  more  admired  than  the  President. 

The  admiration  people  felt  for  Chase  has  several 
prominent  causes: 

1 .  Ability  at  Washington  was  a  jewel  just  now. 

2 .  The  power  to  raise  money  was  one  that  every 
one  could  appreciate,  and  which  every  one,  hither 
to  vexed  by  the  absence  of  change,  felt. 

3.  He  was  the  only  successful  man  in  the  war. 


i?4        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Davis  was  still  ahead  of  Lincoln  and  Siddons  of 
Stanton.  Memminger's  system  had  collapsed, 
while  Chase's  was  in  triumphant  operation,  and 
his  money  good  in  the  army  and  Wall  Street. 

4.  Chase  showed  tact.  He  seemed  to  have 
somehow  persuaded  the  people  that  Lincoln  was 
the  body  and  he  the  brains  of  the  Administration. 
He  had  many  qualities  such  as  manners,  craft, 
polish,  education  in  which  Lincoln  was  inferior, 
but  the  main  thing  seemed  to  be  that  Abraham 
occupied  the  chair  which  Chase  wanted  to  fill. 

Ambition  was  the  man's  bane,  and  flattery  his 
weak  point.  It  was  generally  thought  a  fine  stroke 
in  Lincoln  to  pigeonhole  Chase  in  the  office  of 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  With  Chase's 
credit  for  being  real  President  and  the  precedence 
given  his  family  in  the  Blue  Room,  it  was  about 
time  that  Lincoln  reasserted  himself. 

Montgomery  Blair,  Postmaster-General,  was  a 
tall,  sandy-haired  gentleman,  who  cultivated  the 
homespun  Thomas  Jefferson  style  in  dress,  and 
the  candid  in  manner.  His  eyes  had  a  keen,  sharp, 
gray  look  and  denoted  a  restless  disposition,  but 
the  other  part  of  his  face  was  marked  with  good 
nature  and  geniality.  He  was  of  great  assistance 
to  me  in  keeping  the  run  of  Secessionists  in 
Georgetown.  He  made  a  detective  out  of  his 
negro,  and  had  hunted  up  some  arms  that  were 
going  to  Dixie  from  Georgetown.  His  sentiments 
were  as  extremely  Union  as  if  he  were  afraid  of 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  175 

being  constantly  suspected  of  the  opposite.  His 
Secession  relatives  gave  me  more  trouble  than  all 
others  in  the  military  district. 

After  his  ouster  I  saw  him  send  in  his  card  to 
Assistant  Secretary  Dana,  who  had  no  time  to 
see  him.  What  a  fall  was  there ! 

The  business  which  the  State  Department  had 
to  transact  with  me  was  carried  on  through 
Webster,  afterwards  famous  in  the  Impeachment 
Trial,  and  Mr.  Frederick  Seward.  Webster 
used  to  act  in  connection  with  our  detectives 
in  discovering  the  movements  of  suspected 
Southerners. 

Secretary  Seward  had  a  body  slender,  shoulders 
slanting  like  an  Englishman,  neck  long,  arms 
and  hands  thin  and  wiry,  lips  thin,  and  a  head 
of  bushy  white  hair.  His  manner  was  that  of  a 
refined  New  York  criminal  lawyer  enacting  Riche 
lieu,  his  air  that  of  a  man  who  has  read  books 
all  his  life  and  would  rather  have  it  believed  he 
has  read  nothing  but  men.  One  would  have  said 
that  the  man's  natural  career  lay  in  philosophy, 
belles-lettres,  or  art  in  the  quiet  shade  of  a  col 
lege,  but  that  the  intrigues  of  Albany  had  made 
him  knowing  and  subtle  but  neither  wise  nor 
practical.  The  great  service  he  was  doing  and  has 
done  was  in  persistently  saying  that  the  Rebellion 
would  come  and  would  be  put  down — no  matter 
if  he  erred  about  the  date.  The  historic  confidence 
was  nevertheless  contagious. 


176        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

There  was  in  Washington  at  that  time  a  gentle 
man  who  considered  it  his  bounden  duty  to  show 
the  American  people  that  they  were  worshiping 
a  humbug,  in  the  person  of  McClellan.  Count 
Adam  Gurowski  was  a  bundle  of  extravagances  and 
contradictions.  With  the  best  blood  of  Europe  in 
his  veins,  once  the  companion  of  Napoleon  and 
Kossuth,  he  was  now  a  $400  clerk  in  the  State 
Department,  by  charity  of  Mr.  Seward,  where  his 
business  was  to  cut  slips  out  of  the  foreign  files, 
paste  them  on  one  sheet  and  lay  them  before  his 
chief.  A  failure  in  politics,  he  pronounced 
dogmatic  decrees  on  the  future  of  America.  He 
and  Wadsworth  were  great  "cronies."  Indeed  his 
conversation,  from  his  vast  fund  of  learning  and 
personal  experience  and  its  application  to  our 
present  affairs,  was  very  interesting.  There  was 
such  great  lack  of  positive  opinion  that  this  gentle 
man,  either  at  Willard's,  or  in  the  government 
offices,  never  failed  to  draw  a  crowd.  His  general 
topic  was  the  "imbecility"  of  Lincoln  and  Seward 
and  the  supreme  necessity  of  sending  McClellan 
home.  It  was  something  at  that  time  to  hear  a 
man  speak  his  mind  freely. 

HALLECK 

As  heretofore  stated,  the  custom  was  to  direct 
officers  found  drunk  and  disorderly  at  Washington 
to  report  themselves  under  arrest  to  me.  Most  of 
them  obeyed,  and  that  was  generally  the  end  of  the 
matter,  unless  the  offense  was  repeated. 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  177 

Many  however  did  not  obey,  but  went  away 
without  reporting,  having  given  a  false  name  and 
regiment.  That  was  put  a  stop  to  by  the  officer 
of  the  guard  obliging  officers  found  in  that  condi 
tion  either  to  have  themselves  identified,  by  their 
hotel  register  or  otherwise.  Nevertheless,  no  pre 
caution  and  no  amount  of  severity  seemed  able  to 
prevent  scenes  of  drunkenness  and  disorder  that 
shamed  the  whole  army,  until  I  was  instructed  to 
send  all  officers  found  in  this  way  to  Halleck,  the 
General-in-Chief  of  the  Armies,  for  dismissal.  This 
brought  me  occasionally  to  Halleck's  headquarters. 
I  know  of  no  instance  in  which  he  dismissed  an 
officer  for  such  conduct  unless  the  facts  were 
supported  by  the  affidavits  of  the  arresting  officers. 

I  take  his  endorsement  from  the  case  of  a  cap 
tain  of  the  Q8th  Pennsylvania  Volunteers  and  a 
lieutenant  of  the  District  of  Columbia  Volunteers, 
charged  with  being  drunk  and  disorderly  in  the 
street,  for  an  example : 

"It  is  not  necessary  to  bring  these  officers  to 
trial  before  a  court-martial,  but  I  wish  an  affi 
davit  made  as  to  the  facts,  and  will  then  properly 
dispose  of  them." 

Once  in  a  while,  officers  requested  to  be  dis 
missed,  as  in  this  instance. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Sept.  30,  1862. 
DEAR  SIR: 

Thinking  it  better  that  I  should  leave  your  regi 
ment,  I  write  to  inform  you  I  am  in  this  city  and  you 

12 


178        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

will  please  report  me  absent  without  leave  and  dismiss 
me  from  the  service  that  I  feel  I  cannot  longer  serve 
in  justice  to  you  and  myself. 

I  am  dear  Sir,  your  obliged  and  humble  servant. 

Upon  this  was  endorsed  by  Halleck: 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  12,  1862. 

Respectfully  referred  to  the  Provost  Marshal  who 
will  detail  an  officer  to  go  to-day  to  Philadelphia, 
to  arrest  this  officer  and  bring  him  to  this  city  for 
close  confinement. 

In  person,  Halleck  was  of  the  medium  height, 
inclined  to  fatness,  with  a  double  chin,  bald  fore 
head,  and  small  busy  eyes,  twinkling  under  up 
lifted  eyebrows.  His  carriage  and  dress  were 
somewhat  ungainly  and  bespoke  a  solid  citizen 
rather  than  the  active  soldier.  He  walked  gener 
ally  with  his  hands  behind  his  back  or  in  his 
trousers  pockets,  slightly  stooping,  in  an  appar 
ently  meditative  attitude,  but  the  incessant 
activity  of  his  eyes  showed  much  wariness  and 
circumspection.  His  address  was  open,  direct, 
almost  surly;  his  words  pithy,  few,  and  to  the 
point.  He  abhorred  circumlocution,  introductions, 
and  prefaces.  He  would  anticipate  what  you  had 
to  say,  and  decide  before  you  were  half  through. 
Affectation  of  either  humility  or  greatness  he  had 
none  whatsoever.  He  was  just  General-in-Chief, 
no  more — no  less ;  that  he  knew  and  felt,  and  made 
you  know  and  feel.  There  was  no  use  trying 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  179 

treachery  or  flattery  here.  There  were  a  chair  and 
a  cigar  at  your  disposal,  if  you  had  business  and 
enough  time — if  none,  not  one  second. 

The  role  this  person  had  to  play  was  a  difficult 
one.  He  was  the  home  director  of  military  opera 
tions  in  the  field.  In  being  that  alone,  he  occupied 
the  most  unpopular  post  known  in  the  history  of 
war;  for  to  such  a  power,  whether  it  be  a  cabinet  or 
Aulic  Council,  is  always  ascribed  the  failures;  the 
victories  go  to  him  who  is  on  the  spot.  But  more 
than  that  the  commander  in  the  field  had  been 
deprived  of  his  third  star  and  it  had  been  conferred 
on  Halleck,  and  he  as  well  as  the  army  which  he 
commanded  believed  he  had  been  unjustly  de 
graded.  So  he  started  with  an  army  which  con 
sidered  its  success  under  Halleck  as  its  own  failure ; 
its  failure  under  Halleck,  the  best  proof  of  its 
ability  without  him  to  succeed.  Such  a  false 
position  could  only  be  carried  through  by  either 
vigorous  support  of  his  own  superior,  or  by  the 
weight  of  his  personal  reputation  as  a  soldier.  He 
had  neither — sufficiently.  Authorship  of  a  book 
on  war  and  the  conduct  of  a  suspended  siege  were 
little  to  weigh  against  a  powerful,  jealous,  idolized, 
and  indignant  young  chief  in  the  field,  while  the 
facility  with  which  the  President  listened  to 
direct  criticisms  by  subordinates  of  the  army 
and  the  self-willed  way  in  which  Stanton  adopted 
or  rejected  his  suggestions  took  from  his  orders 
that  absoluteness  which  means  certainty  that  they 
cannot  be  changed,  which  is  the  essence  of  the 


i8o        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

military  code.  In  simple  truth,  the  force  of 
Halleck's  position  lay  altogether  in  the  superiority 
of  three  stars  over  two.  Such  a  relation  could  not 
last  long.  The  success,  even  through  insubordina 
tion,  of  the  field  commander  would  have  ended 
Halleck's  career.  But  the  failure,  through  in 
subordination,  of  the  field  commander,  and  the 
breaking  down  of  the  regular  aristocracy  by 
Stanton,  which  followed  right  afterwards,  re 
dounded  to  the  glory  of  Halleck.  This  really  was 
no  proof  of  Halleck's  ability,  it  was  only  proof  of 
the  other's  incompetency,  and  while  it  fortified 
his  position  could  not  prevent  his  own  powers 
from  being  gradually  but  surely  absorbed  by  suc 
cessful  field  commanders,  until  they  were  event 
ually  merged  in  the  supreme  success  of  Grant. 
Halleck's  favorite  resort  for  meditation  was 
Lafayette  Square.  Here,  every  fair  night,  he  could 
be  seen  wandering  under  the  pines,  either  alone, 
meditating,  or  arm  in  arm  with  some  general  officer, 
talking  over  the  affairs  of  the  army. 

One  night,  as  he  thus  sauntered  alone,  the  keeper 
of  the  gates,  as  usual,  locked  the  gates  at  ten 
o'clock,  but  the  general  meditated  and  strolled  on, 
unconscious  of  time.  When  he  came  to  one  gate  it 
was  locked.  He  hurried  to  the  other.  It  was 
locked  also.  Not  a  soul  on  the  street.  What  was 
to  be  done?  To  scream  would  be  ridiculous.  To 
climb  over  the  fence  impossible.  To  sleep  on  a 
bench — what  a  position  for  a  General-in-Chief! 
Luckily  a  private  of  a  Massachusetts  regiment  on 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  181 

duty  in  my  office  came  along,  and  was  in  the  same 
predicament.  The  general  let  the  private  mount 
on  his  back  and  scale  the  iron  palings.  He  was 
over,— succeeded  in  waking  the  keeper,  and  the 
director  of  the  Armies  of  the  Republic  was  again 
free.  Halleck  took  care  of  this  young  soldier  ever 
afterwards. 

MCCLELLAN  (THE  ENGINEER,  ETC.) 

The  engineer,  a  very  " natty"  officer,  a  regular 
of  the  Regulars,  a  "big  little  man, "  as  our  Western 
troops  call  him,  with  broad  shoulders  and  sandy 
mustache  and  hair  inclined  to  red,  but  brown  at 
a  distance,  a  gentleman  whose  entire  person  is 
copied  over  and  over  by  inferiors;  the  treble 
force  of  bootblacks  at  Willard's;  the  polished 
stirrups,  the  clean  collar  visible  above  the  waist 
coat,  the  general  air  of  dandyism  or  precision  were 
all  McClellan's  influence.  Before  him  we  had  dirt 
and  affectation  of  dirt ;  militia,  obedience  by  favor, 
"trainings,"  and  tactics  at  discretion.  We  had, 
now,  instead,  drill,  discipline,  polish,  organization, 
and  routine,  clean  boots  and  an  esprit  de  corps.  All 
this  was  delightful — this  fine,  melted  mass  had  a 
mold  and  was  gradually  chilling  into  its  shape. 
This  is  a  plain  merit.  He  promulgated  Washing 
ton's  order  against  Sabbath  breaking.  That 
satisfied  our  religiously  minded.  He  had  seen 
Sebastopol  during  the  siege.  That  looked  like 
experience.  He  had  been  successful  in  West  Vir- 


1 82        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

ginia — that  was  luck  or  ability,  equally  needed. 
Yet  there  were  some  hardy  enough  to  say  he  was 
not  the  man.  Why?  The  answer  is,  the  rise  is 
too  sudden. 

This  much  then  is  sure:  his  part  in  the  war 
was  to  change  citizens  into  soldiers, — a  vast  and 
motley  multitude  of  individualities  into  a  ma 
chine,  and  to  fortify  Washington.  This  he  did  ex 
cellently  well.  No  other  general  that  succeeded  him 
can  claim  that  work  of  genius;  it  is  his  entirely. 
And  he  succeeded  because  he  was  himself  that 
which  he  made  others — a  man  of  formulas  and 
routine, — nothing  if  not  West  Point;  capable  of 
everything  that  mathematics  could  do,  nothing 
beyond. 

That  is  to  say,  a  certain  element  that  generals, 
in  time  past,  have  had  essentially:  combativeness, 
—the  fighting  propensity  that  carried  Blucher 
into  the  midst  of  bullets — the  bulldog  nature,  was 
not  here.  Not  that  he  lacked  personal  courage, 
not  that  he  was  ignorant  of  how  people  do  fight, 
but  that  he  could  not  be  coaxed  to  light  without 
trouble,  and  after  he  was  fighting  had  rather  stop 
than  go  on  for  the  pure  love  of  it.  This  goes  by 
different  names:  "incompetency, "  "timidity," 
' '  over-caution, "  "  hesitation ' ' ;  West  Point  cannot 
teach  it.  It  is  only — non-combativeness.  Again, 
there  was  beyond  this  man  of  mathematics  nothing 
but  mathematics  in  war.  A  war  of  opinion — the 
sublime  spectacle  of  an  uprising  in  favor  of  an 
opinion, — the  moral  forces  of  freedom  operating 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  183 

in  conjunction  with  the  army  and  supporting  it,— 
the  changes  made  by  war  in  popular  and  political 
opinion — these  were  not  taught  at  West  Point, 
and  were  beyond  him.  He  understood  other  men 
of  mathematics  very  well,  also  the  volunteers  as 
soon  as  they  had  grown  mathematical,  but  the 
rest — independent  owners  of  opinion — these  were 
riddles.  This  want  went  by  the  name  of  ' '  Southern 
Sympathy,"  "Democratic  Training,"  "  Conser 
vatism."  It  was  really  West  Point  mathematics. 

The  army  organized,  Washington  fortified, 
McClellan  had  really  played  his  part.  To  ask  him 
further  to  go  and  lead  the  army  to  Richmond  was 
unreasonable.  To  demand  fight  from  a  man  who 
would  rather  not,  to  insist  that  he  heed  the  grow 
ing  opinions  of  the  country,  to  a  man  whose  opinions 
could  not  grow, — this  was  to  require  of  the  man 
what  was  not  in  him.  There  are  certain  sure  effects 
of  such  unreasonable  requests.  You  will  get  out 
of  him  only  what  is  there — mathematics — or 
"strategy."  If  you  force  him,  so  much  the  worse; 
he  will  only  strategize  more  vigorously  and  on  a 
grander  scale.  The  big  blows  he  will  not  strike, 
the  unyielding  grip  he  cannot  take.  If  you  con 
front  him  with  political  opinions  you  frighten  him. 
He  gathers  around  him  all  the  other  mathemati 
cians  to  defend  themselves  against  such  military 
heresies  as  waging  war  for  the  carrying  out  of 
political  opinions,  and  against  all  powers  that 
would  disarrange  mathematics  by  opinions. 
Worried,  he  grows  first  insolent,  then  stubborn, 


1 84        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

then  finds  companions  in  stubbornness,  and  finally 
is  insubordinate — all  because  you  try  to  extort 
from  him  what  he  never  had. 

Thus  the  army,  made  mathematical,  pitied  and 
deplored  its  father;  the  people,  the  holders  of 
Union  opinion  in  the  North,  believed  he  was 
against  them  when  he  was  against  all  opinions,  and 
believed  he  did  not  want  to  fight,  when  he  could 
not  do  it  for  the  life  of  him,  except  behind  intrench- 
ments. 

I  repeat  his  work  was  done  in  March,  1862. 
Nothing  remained  fit  for  his  talent  except  to  de 
fend,  under  Lincoln's  eye,  the  fortifications  he 
created. 

That  is  not  to  say  that  the  occasion,  the  species 
of  war,  could  never  arrive  in  which  McClellan 
would  shine  preeminently  great.  The  pet  inclina 
tion  of  the  engineer  to  spade  and  siege-guns,  and 
horror  of  a  sudden  assault  before  the  enemy  has 
time  to  fortify,  which  so  marked  McClellan's 
campaigns,  is  the  very  trait  which,  in  the  English 
camp  at  Sebastopol,  where  McClellan  learned  his 
practical  lessons,  was  an  immense  fault  in  Sir 
John  Burgoyne,  the  engineer  of  the  Allies,  the 
attacking  forces;  but  the  same  trait,  which  in 
Todleben,  the  Russian  engineer,  brought  out,  in 
conjunction  with  Korniloff,  the  most  admirable 
defense  of  modern  times. 

What  McClellan  could  do  in  a  defensive  war  in 
conjunction  with  a  commander  whose  soul  was 
enthusiastic  in  the  cause,  within  the  walls  of  a 


Cabinet  Members  and  Army  Officers  185 

besieged  city,  when  his  mathematics  could  have 
free  play,  can  of  course  only  be  conjectured.  If 
the  defensive  works  of  Washington  City  are  to  be 
the  test,  I  cannot  doubt  that  he  would  have  been, 
under  such  circumstances,  admirably  fitted  for  the 
post.  I  have  thought  that  McClellan  felt  this 
himself,  and  waited  the  long  winter  of  1861-62 
inside  his  defenses,  in  the  hope  that  Beauregard  and 
Lee  would  attack  him  and  turn  the  war  into  the 
channel  best  suited  for  him— the  siege  of  Wash 
ington  and  defense  of  fortifications. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  CAMPAIGN  ENDING  WITH 
CHANCELLORSVILLE 

IT  is  the  month  of  March,  1863.  The  Army  of 
the  Potomac  is  lying  between  the  Potomac  and 
Rappahannock  with  its  base  of  supplies  at  Aquia 
Creek,  its  left  resting  on  Belle  Plain,  its  center  on 
Falmouth,  and  its  right  on  Stafford  Court  House. 
Its  picket  line  runs  from  Banks's  Ford  on  the  ex 
treme  left  to  Stafford  Court  House  on  the  extreme 
right. 

Lee  is  at  Fredericksburg,  occupy  ing  the  line  of  the 
Rappahannock.  On  his  right,  the  Rappahannock 
grows  wider  and  harder  to  cross ;  on  his  left,  as  you 
near  its  source,  it  grows  narrower  and  fordable.  The 
first  ford  on  the  left  is  Banks's — twelve  miles  from 
Falmouth.  The  next  ford,  six  miles  farther  up,  is 
U.  S.  The  next,  twenty  miles  farther,  is  Kelly s 
Ford.  The  next,  two  miles  above,  is  Rappa 
hannock  Station,  and  two  miles  above  that  is 
Beverly  Ford. 

Lee  is  connected  with  Richmond  by  the  Rich 
mond,  Fredericksburg,  and  Potomac  R.  R. ;  the 
Orange  and  Alexandria  R.  R.  also  connects  him 
with  Richmond  by  means  of  the  Chancellorsville 

1 86 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    187 

Plank  Road,  which  connects  with  this  road  at 
Orange  Court  House. 

Hooker  maneuvers  in  three  ways:  (i)  a  direct 
attack  on  Fredericksburg ;  (2)  a  flank  movement 
below  Fredericksburg;  (3)  a  flank  movement  via 
one  of  the  fords  above  Fredericksburg. 

The  first  had  failed  under  Burnside. 

The  second  is  not  feasible,  not  only  on  ace  unt  of 
the  width  of  the  river,  but  because  it  uncovers  the 
capital  and  allows  Lee  to  swing  by  his  left  into 
Pennsylvania. 

The  third  is  a  flank  movement  via  one  of  the 
upper  fords  on  Lee's  left,  accompanied  by  an 
attack  on  Lee's  right  by  Sedgwick  and  a  raid  by 
Stoneman  in  his  rear  to  cut  his  communications. 

In  selecting  the  ford  proper  for  crossing,  he  had 
first:  Banks's,  too  near  to  deceive  Lee;  U.  S.  with 
an  objectionable  wilderness  on  the  other  side; 
Kelly s  or  Beverly  with  an  admirable  battlefield 
across  the  river. 

In  detaching  Sedgwick,  he  divided  his  forces 
and  ran  the  risk  of  being  beaten  in  detail. 

In  sending  Stoneman  around  to  cut  communica 
tions,  it  was  essential  he  should  cut  the  Orange 
and  Alexandria  Court  House  and  the  Richmond 
and  Fredericksburg  beyond  Orange  Court  House 
Junction  and  drive  the  enemy  back,  otherwise 
there  was  no  sense  in  it. 

Having  the  choice  of  battle-ground,  and  having 
decided  to  break  his  columns  in  two,  it  is  to  be 
supposed  he  will,  no  matter  at  which  ford  he 


1 88        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

crosses,  finally  dispose  the  flanking  column  in 
such  a  way  as  to  be  near  the  column  at  Fredericks- 
burg,  and  be  able  to  cooperate  with  it.  This  is 
of  the  utmost  moment  should  Sedgwick  be  un 
successful.  If  unsuccessful,  then  the  connection 
should  also  be  quickly  made.  If  there  be,  as  there 
is,  at  Banks 's  Ford  (the  one  nearest  Sedgwick)  on 
the  south  side  of  the  Rappahannock,  a  wide  and 
spacious  open  country,  which  admits  of  a  battle 
and  commands  the  two  railroads,  then  it  seems  rea 
sonable  he  should,  whether  he  crosses  at  Beverly, 
Kelly  s,  or  U.  S.,  move  down  as  far  as  he  can, 
throw  his  pontoons  across  in  his  rear,  and  wait  for 
the  action  of  Sedgwick  and  Stoneman.  He  gains 
by  this :  concentration  of  his  forces,  keeps  his  army 
out  of  the  woods,  and  has,  in  the  high  ground  on 
the  southern  bank  of  the  ford,  an  admirable  point 
for  guarding  his  pontoons  with  artillery  in  case  of 
a  freshet.  He  has  the  same  power  over  the  plank 
road  that  he  has  at  Chancellorsville,  and  in  addi 
tion  can  use  his  cavalry. 

If  he  halts  at  the  edge  of  the  wilderness  he  at 
once  says  good-bye  to  his  cavalry,  neutralizes 
his  artillery  in  the  woods,  and  throws  his  infantry 
on  the  defensive,  for  while  the  edge  of  a  forest 
offers  a  natural  intrenchment  to  infantry  and 
artillery,  every  man  and  gun  having  its  own  cover 
in  a  tree,  and  the  darkness  hiding  the  columns  from 
the  enemy,  the  disposition  of  infantry  in  the  midst 
of  a  tangled  wilderness  where  they  see  nothing 
before  them  except  a  mysterious  gloom,  nothing 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    189 

behind  of  their  supports,  fills  the  imagination  of 
the  soldiers  with  vague  apprehensions  of  danger; 
they  insensibly  and  unconsciously  intrench,  and 
the  minute  they  do  that,  they  feel  on  the  defensive, 
and  all  hope  of  a  spirited  advance  is  gone.  Chop 
down  these  woods  in  front,  or  lead  them  through 
to  the  edge  and  they  will  rush  into  action  with  a 
shout. 

Politics,  the  season,  the  condition  of  the  troops, 
call  for  an  advance.  The  nine  months'  regiments 
will  be  mustered  out  on  the  first  of  May.  The 
spring  is  early  here  and  trees  are  budding.  The 
Emancipation  Proclamation  has  given  a  new  im 
petus  to  the  war.  The  unsuccessful  McClellan, 
Pope,  and  Burnside  have  given  place  to  the  dash 
ing,  sanguine  Hooker. 

The  country  remembers  Fredericksburg  and  is 
waiting  for  an  advance  and  it  is  time  it  was  made. 
The  unfriendly  party  North  is  growing  bolder  and 
more  defiant  from  its  fall  successes.  Something 
must  be  done  and  soon. 

Potomac  Creek,  Va.,  March  ifth.  The  first  time 
in  this  war  our  cavalry  has  met  the  Rebel  cavalry 
and  whipped  them  in  a  fair  fight.  Yesterday  at 
dawn  Averill's  division  crossed  at  Kelly s  Ford, 
met  Fitzhugh  Lee  on  the  other  side,  and  thrashed 
them  soundly.  My  Adjutant  McBride  was  shot 
through  the  lungs.  The  Rebels  could  not  stand 
the  charges  of  our  cavalry.  The  moment  our 
squadrons  advanced,  theirs  broke  and  scattered. 
It  looks  as  if  they  felt  that  their  prestige  was 


190        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

gone.  The  spirits  of  our  men  never  were  as  good 
as  they  are  now.  We  have  just  arrived  again  at 
our  old  quarters  at  Potomac  Creek.  More,  doubt 
less,  will  be  expected  of  us  than  hitherto.  If  we 
can  cross  at  Kelly s  Ford,  why  not  the  whole 
army? 

Potomac  Creek,  April  1st.  Our  division  has 
made  another  attempt  to  cross  the  Rappahannock. 
This  time  at  Beverly  Ford.  We  first  advanced  on 
Rappahannock  Station,  found  it  entrenched,  retired 
to  Elk  River,  and  tried  Beverly,  two  miles  farther 
up.  A  river,  a  canal  on  the  other  side,  earthworks 
beyond,  and  artillery  in  the  woods  above,  forbade 
any  attempt.  They  shelled  us  before  we  attacked. 
We  return  baffled  to  our  camps. 

Potomac  Creek,  April  i6ih.  President  Lincoln 
to-day  reviewed  the  army.  The  day  was  rainy  and 
dismal,  with  an  occasional  glimpse  of  sunshine. 
The  general  conjecture  is  that  this  review  forbodes 
a  great  battle,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  and  General 
Hooker  want  to  satisfy  themselves  about  the 
condition  and  size  of  the  army.  Speaking  only  for 
the  Cavalry  Corps,  I  think  they  have  reason  to  be 
satisfied.  The  morale  of  our  division,  which  has 
fought  the  only  victory  hitherto  achieved  on  the 
Rappahannock,  is  high.  It  is  not  lowered  when  we 
see  Averill  prancing  along  the  line  with  Mr.  Lincoln 
and  staff,  and  apparently  in  favor  at  headquarters. 
Lincoln  rides  a  dapple-gray  horse,  and  is  con 
spicuous  for  his  black  citizen's  dress  and  the  fear 
ful  manner  in  which  his  horse  jolts  him  up  and 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    191 

down.  Our  men  would  have  preferred  a  closer 
inspection  so  as  to  let  it  be  observed  how  excellently 
well  they  were  uniformed,  mounted,  and  equipped, 
having  even  gone  to  the  expense  of  sending  to 
Aquia  Creek  for  white  linen  gloves.  We  have  the 
chance  later  in  the  afternoon,  when  we  pass  in 
columns  of  squadrons  before  the  President  who  is 
seated  on  horseback  next  to  General  Hooker. 
The  farce  of  the  inspection  appears  when  we  are 
obliged  to  ride  through  a  deep  mud  pond  or  slough 
just  before  we  come  to  the  reviewing  officers,  and 
remark  that  our  citizen  commander-in-chief  often 
bows  to  the  sergeant  in  charge  of  the  pioneers  who 
rides  first  in  a  cavalry  regiment,  mistaking  him 
for  the  commander  of  the  regiment — an  error  he 
would  correct  on  its  being  pointed  out  by  the 
general.  I  noticed  a  number  of  ladies  of  my 
acquaintance  from  Washington  about  Mr.  Lincoln. 
The  display  of  men  and  arms  is  certainly  marvel- 
ously  great. 

Monday,  April  27  th. 

We  start  at  10  'oclock  in  the  evening  for  the  south 
and  finally  reach  Kellys  Ford  in  the  morn 
ing.  We  are  dismounted  on  the  slope  on  the 
right  of  the  ford  and  to  our  astonishment  see  the 
red  breeches  of  Zouaves,  and  the  various  corps  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  some  dotting  the  fields 
south  of  the  Ford,  in  squares  like  a  checkerboard, 
others  crossing  by  a  pontoon  bridge.  The  infantry 
appears  now  to  halt  for  the  cavalry  to  precede  it. 


192        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

By  three  o'clock  we  are  across,  but  instead  of  halt 
ing,  we  continue  to  advance  up  the  road — the  Cul- 
peper  Turnpike,  which  runs  to  the  right  of  the 
ford — the  road  to  the  left,  which  the  infantry  ap 
pears  to  be  leaning  towards,  running  towards 
Chancellorsville.  We  have  scarcely  advanced  a 
mile  when  we  are  ordered  into  line  of  battle. 
Stoneman  comes  up,  a  consultation  is  held,  the 
order  is  given  to  charge,  and  we  move  in  line  of 
battle  into  the  woods.  They  receive  us  with  ar 
tillery  and  carbine  firing.  It  is  evidently  Fitz- 
hugh  Lee's  Cavalry  rear-guard.  By  nightfall  we 
have  cleared  them  out  of  the  woods  but  sleep  on 
our  arms,  in  the  open  field  beyond. 

Tuesday,    April    28th. 

Day  arrives.  No  sign  of  the  rear-guard. 
They  vanished  during  the  night.  We  have  scarcely 
time  to  feed  when  the  entire  division  of  Averill 
moves  in  line  of  battle,  each  regiment  being  in 
column  of  squadrons,  and  being  preceded  by  a 
triple  line  of  skirmishers  march  towards  Culpeper, 
in  hot  pursuit.  The  line  being  over  a  mile  in 
length  is  with  difficulty  kept  up.  As  we  near 
Culpeper  the  skirmish  line  reports  the  Rebels 
just  ahead.  We  trot,  and  at  noon  enter  Culpeper 
like  a  whirlwind  (the  negroes  tell  us  the  graybacks 
have  just  passed  five  hundred  to  five  thousand 
strong,  according  as  they  have  judgment  of 
numbers),  and  our  skirmish  line  just  reaches  the 
hill  beyond  the  town  as  the  last  Rebel  horseman 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    193 

disappears  on  the  Richmond  Road.  Our  men 
rifle  the  stores  and  load  themselves  with  hams, 
honey,  and  Lynchburg  tobacco.  It  is  the  first 
visit  of  Union  troops  to  Culpeper  since  Banks 's 
retreat. 

We  press  on  toward  the  Rapidan  still  following 
the  line  of  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  R.  R. 

Halting  to  rest  in  the  afternoon,  below  Cedar 
Mountain,  we  find  ourselves  among  the  bones  of 
the  dead  of  the  battle  of  Cedar  Mountain,  which 
had  been  here  rooted  out  of  the  low  trenches  in 
which  they  had  been  hastily  interred.  No  inspirit 
ing  sight  on  the  advance,  especially  as  the  weather 
is  rainy,  and  the  sides  of  the  mountain  look  like  a 
natural  point  fitted  for  the  Rebels  to  make  a  stand, 
and  attack  us  in  flank  as  we  pass  along  the  base. 

Night  comes  and  we  push  forward  more  rapidly. 
Nine  o'clock  and  no  halt.  Ten  o'clock  and  no 
halt.  Eleven  o'clock  and  we  are  said  to  be  nearing 
the  Rapidan  River  and  halt.  My  regiment  is 
ordered  on  picket  and  swears  loudly  as  only  cav 
alrymen,— hungry,  sleepy,  and  in  an  unknown 
country  at  night  can  swear,  when  ordered  on 
further  duty. 

Wednesday,  April  2pth. 

Morning  breaks  hot  and  sultry  like  June.  We 
climb  an  eminence  near  and  see  the  Rapidan 
apparently  strongly  fortified  on  the  south  side. 
The  orders  are  to  keep  the  horses  saddled  and 
bridled — that  most  excruciating  torture  to  animals. 


13 


194        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Thursday,  April  joth. 

No  advance.  Horses  saddled  and  bridled. 
Forage  beginning  to  give  out.  It  is  reported  that 
some  of  our  men  have  burnt  up  a  locomotive  and 
some  cars  and  torn  up  the  track. 

Friday,  May  1st. 

Orders  to  slacken  girths,  but  allow  no  horse  to 
be  unsaddled  or  unpacked.  Our  men  forage  and 
lay  in  corn  for  one  day's  feed. 

Saturday,  May  2d. 

We  start  early  to  retrace  our  steps  toward  the 
Rappahannock,  this  time  leaning  east  in  the 
direction  of  he  mouth  of  the  river,  where  it  empties 
into  the  Rappahannock,  marching  at  a  pace  that 
is  increased  every  hour.  The  early  spring  wheat  is 
out  in  blades  three  inches  long,  and  in  the  after 
noon  we  halt  and  graze  in  a  fine  field.  Our  entire 
division  of  horses  allowed  to  run  loose  is  a  queer 
spectacle,  while  Averill  sits  on  the  porch  of  the 
mansion  overlooking  the  rambling  horses. 

Again  we  advance,  pressing  vigorously  towards 
the  mouth  of  the  Rapidan.  Horses  are  beginning 
to  feel  the  effects  of  the  heavy  saddles,  and  without 
forage  many  of  them  give  out  and  die  by  the  road 
side.  By  night  we  near  the  heights  above  Ely's 
Ford.  A  scene  like  a  picture  of  hell  lies  below  us. 
As  far  as  the  horizon  is  visible  are  innumerable 
fires  from  burning  woods,  volumes  of  black  smoke 
covering  the  sky,  cannons  belching  in  continuous 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    195 

and  monotonous  roar ;  and  the  harsh,  quick  rattling 
of  infantry  firing  is  heard  nearer  at  hand.     It  is 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  on  the  south  of  the 
Rappahannock,  engaged  at  night  in   a  burning 
forest.    At  our  feet  artillery  and  cavalry  are  mixed 
up,   jammed,   officers   swearing,   men   straggling, 
horses  expiring.    But  we  are  extricated  and  weary 
and  seek  camp  on  a  beautiful  green  slope  reaching 
down  to  the  river,  which  here  is  scarcely  twenty 
yards  wide.     Exhausted  by  the  terrific  march, 
men  and    horses  receive  with  joy   the  order  to 
unsaddle,  unpack,  and  make  ourselves  generally 
comfortable.     Everything  is  stripped  off  in  con 
fusion;  we  feel  the  raid  is  over  and  infantry  and 
artillery  are  now  to  do  the  work.    We  build  bon 
fires,  eat  and  drink  and  fall  into  that  hard  sleep 
the    cavalryman    has,    when   he    throws   off   the 
dangers  and  hardships  of  a  week  for  ease  and 
security,  the  fires  burning  high  and  making  the 
slope  as  light  as  day.    At  eleven  a  peal  is  heard  as 
if  lightning  had  come  out  of  the  clear  heaven  and 
struck  us;   a  close  and  continued  volley  of  mus 
ketry  not  more  than  thirty  yards  south  of  us.    We 
start  out  of  our  dreams  to  see  the  spark  of  the 
embers  scattering  with  the  rain  of  bullets  aimed  at 
them  beyond  from  the  wooded  eminence;  south 
of  us  and  across  the  river  a  long  line  of  fire  from  the 
assailing  party.    Instantly  the  horses  break  their 
ropes  and  stampede;  the  men  grab  carbines  and 
hurry  down  to  the  bank,  so  as  to  be  out  of  range 
of  the  fires,  and  fire  back.     The  firing  ceases  as 


196        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

suddenly  as  it  began,  having  lasted  ten  minutes. 
We  were  greatly  surprised  but  suppose  it  was  our 
own  men  firing  on  us  by  mistake,  and  are  indignant 
at  Averill  for  leaving  the  woods  unpicketed.  The 
rest  of  the  night  is  sx:ent  hunting  horses.  Many 
were  wounded  in  the  limbs;  only  one  killed,  a 
private  who  was  kneeling,  saying  his  prayers,  and 
by  that  act,  threw  himself  in  range.  It  would  be 
strange  any  escaped  this  murderous  fire  if  infantry 
were  not  always  given  to  firing  too  high. 

Potomac  Creek  Station,  May  5,  1863. 

The  great  battle  has  been  fought  in  the  woods  of 
Chancellors ville  and  we  are  again  just  where  we 
started. 

Two  weeks  ago  our  entire  corps  moved  out  on 
the  old  beaten  Hartwood  Church  Road,  which 
runs  almost  parallel  with  the  Upper  Rappahannock, 
but  this  time  instead  of  turning  to  our  left  for  some 
of  the  fords,  we  swing  to  our  right  following  the 
line  of  the  Orange  and  Alexandria  R.  R.  as  far  as 
Warrenton  Junction.  We  are  in  perplexity  about 
this  movement,  supposing  we  are  marching  to 
intercept  another  of  Stuart's  raids  into  Pennsyl 
vania  and  are  to  cover  Washington.  The  purpose 
is  plain  when  we  reach  Warrenton  Junction  and 
find  the  locomotive  and  cars  unloading  hay  and 
commissary  stores.  We  now  conclude  that  we 
were  brought  here  to  get  supplies  for  a  raid  on 
Culpeper  as  well  as  to  deceive  Lee  as  to  the 
movements  of  the  infantry. 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    197 

Sunday,  May  3d — Near  the  Phillips  House. 
This  morning  I  crossed  the  Rapidan  to  see  what 
had  become  of  the  night  attack,  with  instructions 
to  penetrate  one  mile.  Found  marks  of  blood  and 
scattered  arms.  Met  a  squatter  who  told  me  a 
brigade  of  Alabama  Infantry  had  seen  our  fires 
and  given  us  the  ambuscade.  Six  of  them  were 
badly  wounded  by  our  fire.  Penetrated  to  the 
Plank  Road,  ran  into  a  cavalry  picket,  shot  at  him, 
and  returned  and  reported  to  Averill.  There  is 
nothing  but  dense  woods  all  the  way  from  Ely's 
Ford  to  the  Plank  Road.  I  judged  the  enemy 
held  the  Plank  Road  at  this  point.  Left  Ely's 
Ford  at  noon,  made  the  connection  with  the  in 
fantry  of  the  extreme  right,  and  marched  by  the 
road  facing  the  enemy,  along  the  interior  line  to 
Hooker's  headquarters. 

When  we  arrive,  the  Rebels  are  making  their 
third  attack  on  our  right,  and  Berry,  Williams, 
Whipple,  and  Birney  are  engaged.  The  great 
battle,  however,  has  been  fought.  It  only  remains 
to  describe  what  the  field  was  like  and  what  we 
hear  of  the  past.  Any  description  of  the  ground 
will  be  unintelligible  to  one  who  has  never  been  in 
burning  woods.  The  timber  here  is  chiefly  white 
oak,  almost  impassable  by  infantry,  utterly  im 
pervious  to  artillery  and  cavalry  except  in  rare 
open  patches.  Whether  from  the  firing  or  from 
the  camp-fires  of  the  troops  made  in  cooking 
coffee,  the  greater  part  of  the  undergrowth  beyond 
our  line  is  on  fire  and  in  many  places  the  trees  are 


J98        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

slowly  blazing  to  the  top.  Where  the  fires  have 
retreated  or  gone  out,  a  thick  smoke  has  settled 
among  the  charred  brush  and  is  exuding  from 
every  object  it  has  touched.  Where  it  is  still 
raging,  the  heat,  added  to  the  hot  temperature  of 
the  day,  renders  breathing  almost  impossible.  As 
we  march  along  on  horseback,  our  eyes  and  nos 
trils  are  filled  with  smoke  so  that  we  can  scarcely 
see  or  breathe.  On  each  side  of  the  road  are 
intermingled  the  dead,  wounded,  and  living,  all  of 
them  blackened  either  by  the  smoke  and  powder 
or  in  the  usual  way  of  death  by  gunshot  wounds; 
only  occasionally  one  dead  man  whose  calm  face 
looks  white  and  still.  The  endless  stretcher,  the 
continual  ambulance  meets  you,  both  moving 
quietly;  once  in  a  while  a  group  hanging  over 
some  popular  officer  who  has  just  received  his 
shell  or  minie  ball.  Besides  the  usual  noise  of  an 
engagement  it  is  surprising  to  see  how  still  and 
quiet  the  soldiers  are.  There  is  none  of  the  hope 
less  ardor  of  an  advance,  but  instead  on  every 
face  a  sullen  determination,  not  unmixed  with 
vague  apprehensions  of  fear;  as  if  there  were  im 
pending  some  mysterious  source  of  terror,  which  no 
one  could  define.  Here  and  there  you  see  a  sharp 
action, — what  would  be  in  the  cavalry  corps  a  heavy 
engagement;  at  another  point,  the  spade  and 
pick  busy  throwing  up  intrenchments,  and  the 
officers  peering  wistfully  into  the  vistas  of  thick 
ness  in  front;  at  another,  nothing  except  the  scrub 
oak  slowly  snapping  and  crackling  in  the  fire. 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    199 

For  a  while  the  scene  looks  like  a  spring  ride 
through  quiet  shades,  while  ever  and  anon  the 
earth  seems  to  scream  with  mingled  musketry  and 
artillery  and  the  shrill  cheering  of  the  combatants; 
and  if,  here  and  there,  you  see  an  opening  in  the 
trees  and  a  scrap  of  sky  promises  to  be  mingled 
with  the  tumult,  you  find  it  dotted  with  the  round 
white  clouds,  the  smoke  of  exploded  shells.  Then 
again  comes  the  painful  pause  only  to  be  broken 
by  the  same  horrid  din ;— all  this  which  you  feel 
by  reason  of  the  woods,  the  fire,  the  smothered 
reverberations  of  sound,  choked,  smothered, 
paralyzed,  as  if  this  were  a  place  made  expressly 
for  Rebels,  but  not  for  Union  men  to  fight  in. 

This  Army  of  the  Potomac,  the  brilliant  host 
which  Lincoln  reviewed,  it  is  plainly  to  be  seen,  is 
beaten  and  demoralized.     Not  demoralized  only 
because  it  is  beaten,  but  before  it  was  beaten  by 
the  Wilderness.    It  is  admitted  at  all  hands  that 
in  the  previous  night,  Stonewall  Jackson  utterly 
routed  the  nth  Corps  under  Howard,  Von  Stein- 
wehr,  Schurz,  and  Von  Gilsa,  and  that  the  latter 
had  fled  back  to  the  the  U.  S.  Ford;  that  Sickles, 
Berry,  and  Hooker  saved  our  right  wing;  that  at 
midnight  the  enemy  retired;  that  this  morning 
at  five  the  enemy  came  from  the  west  along  the 
turnpike,  forcing  us  gradually  back  until  10  o'clock 
when  they  retired.     The  men  of  the  nth  tell  us 
they  were  stationed  some  six,  some  twelve,  feet 
apart  while  Jackson's  column  was  massed  and  at 
tacked  with  unheard-of  fury,  marching  in  regimen- 


200        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

tal  front  right  into  the  mouth  of  our  guard.  They 
believe  the  Rebels  put  powder  in  their  whiskey 
before  making  an  attack,  they  threw  away  their 
lives  so  recklessly.  Von  Steinwehr  says  he  knows 
neither  what  is  in  front,  in  rear,  or  on  either  side 
of  him.  Birney  says  he  knows  no  topography  in 
this  wilderness. 

The  rebel  fire  is  gradually  diminishing  to  picket 
shots  alternating  with  occasional  discharges  of 
platoons.  Most  are  apprehensive  of  another 
attack  and  think  it  will,  if  made,  be  apt  to  finish 
us.  No  one  wants  to  do  any  more  fighting  here  if 
it  can  be  helped — anywhere  else,  only  not  in 
these  mournful  forests. 

At  the  Phillips  House,  the  woods  end,  and  we 
suddenly  enter  a  wide  plain  in  which  we  are 
massed  with  a  vast  park  of  artillery  and  cavalry 
intended  to  cover  the  communications  with  the 
ford. 

In  the  rear  of  these  is  the  ford,  and  beyond  that, 
on  high  wooded  ground  above,  the  hospital  and 
baggage  trains  of  the  army.  While  we  are  resting 
here  a  rumor  spreads  that  Stoneman  and  Averill 
have  been  relieved  and  ordered  to  report  at  Wash 
ington,  and  that  Pleasanton  is  in  command.  ' '  Who 
is  Pleasanton?"  is  the  general  inquiry. 

This  explains  a  strange  sight  we  saw  on  our  road 
behind  the  extreme  right.  Averill  was  sitting 
alongside  the  road,  under  a  shelter  tent,  quite 
alone,  and  with  his  head  resting  on  his  hand, 
seemingly  dejected.  It  looked  then  as  if  he  had 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    201 

been  relieved.  His  humiliation  at  being  abandoned 
on  the  march  like  a  condemned  cavalry  horse,  to 
be  criticized  by  his  poorest  orderly,  must  have 
been  extreme,  but  what  is  the  destiny  of  one  man 
in  comparison  with  the  onward  march  of  an 
impetuous  Republic  f  Our  regret  at  parting  with 
an  officer  who  had  shed  so  much  luster  on  our 
army  before  this  last  march  and  who  was  in  fact 
very  careful  about  exposing  his  men,  was  keen 
but  a  little  moderated  by  the  ambuscade  of  last 
night.  What  was  his  offense?  Rumors  stated 
that  he  had  not  obeyed  orders  to  return  as  soon  as 
he  should.  That  is  horrible,  as  we  spent  half  a  day 
at  Ely's  Ford  reconnoitering  and  three  days  at 
Rapidan  doing  nothing.  Another  rumor  is  that 
he  was  ordered  to  proceed  as  far  as  Orange  Court 
House  and  to  seize  the  junction  of  the  rail  and 
plank  roads,  which  he  did  not  do. 

Soon  we  are  ordered  to  camp  in  regimental  front 
in  rear  of  the  nth  Corps  and  to  fire  on  every 
thing  that  approaches  us  in  front,  whether  friend 
or  foe.  We  do  so  but,  with  exception  of  skirmishes, 
nothing  is  done  in  front. 

We  now  hear  that  Hooker  was  wounded  and 
that  he  was  drunk,  again  that  Sedgwick  has  again 
captured  Fredericksburg  and  was  on  his  way  to 
join  us. 

This  night  is  most  pleasant  in  comparison  with 
those  of  a  week  before.  We  are  in  the  midst  of 
our  army,  and  not  a  small  division,  camping  in 
anxiety  one  hundred  miles  in  the  enemy's  rear. 


202        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

You  can  allow  your  horses  to  graze,  and  wrap 
yourself  peacefully  in  your  blanket,  for  before  you 
can  be  attacked,  a  long  line  of  infantry  must  be 
broken.  Here  is  tobacco,  the  soldier's  solace, 
and  rations,  and  the  river  for  your  horse  to  drink. 

Monday,  May  4th. 

This  morning  we  are  awakened  by  the  familiar 
shell,  but  it  seems  rather  near.  A  battery  is 
evidently  occupying  the  high  ground  in  front  of 
us,  and  throwing  shells  over  our  little  plain,  upon 
the  baggage  train  and  hospitals.  They  continue 
to  shriek  in  the  clear  May  morning  and  we  wonder 
why  it  is  not  silenced.  Soon  a  cavalry  regiment 
is  ordered  out,  charges  and  captures  it. 

Before  long  we  receive  orders  to  fall  back  upon 
the  heights  on  U.  S.  Ford.  I  am  placed  in  com 
mand  of  the  2d  Cavalry  Brigade.  The  guards  at 
the  ford  drive  back  great  numbers  of  stragglers. 
Officers  too  are  seen  among  them,  with  dejected 
faces,  as  if  they  cared  little  for  dishonor,  but  much 
for  life. 

The  weak  point  of  our  position  is  plainly  not 
alone  the  possible  rise  in  the  river,  but  also  the 
extremely  precipitous  bank  on  the  north  of  the 
ford.  First  as  you  land  north  is  an  acre  or  two 
of  flat,  sandy  deposit,  on  which  a  few  regiments 
can  be  formed,  but  as  you  begin  to  climb  up  you 
find  a  miserably  constructed  winding  corduroy 
road,  passable  only  by  a  single  horseman  at  a  time, 
and  that  with  the  greatest  risk  of  rolling  down  back- 


The  Chanccllorsville  Campaign    203 

wards.  Certainly  this  defile  would,  in  case  of  an 
attack  n  flank  and  sudden  retreat,  be  found  too 
narrow,  and  the  army  liable  to  be  cut  to  pieces 
while  forcing  itself  upwards  towards  the  crest  be 
yond.  I  was  not  sorry  when  we  gained  the  open 
Falmouth  Road  out  of  the  treacherous  river 
bottom. 

Tuesday,  May  $th. 

Last  night  at  two  we  were  ordered  to  ride  to 
Fredericksburg  via  Falmouth  and  intercept  a 
body  of  Lee's  cavalry  reported  to  be  tearing  up 
the  railroad  between  Falmouth  and  Aquia  Creek, 
and  severing  our  connection  with  our  base.  We 
pass  thither,  part  of  the  way  over  the  corduroy 
road  made  by  Hooker,  but  find  no  troops  to  inter 
cept.  Fredericksburg  captured  again  by  Sedg- 
wick  is  again  in  the  enemy's  hands  and  they  shell 
us  as  they  see  us,  hiding  in  a  hollow  opposite  the 
city.  A  heavy  rain  this  night. 

Wednesday,   May  6th. 

In  the  middle  of  a  great  rain,  which  sometimes 
hid  the  road,  we  left  Fredericksburg  and  at  six  this 
evening  inhabit  our  old  log  huts  and  tents,  which 
we  had  hoped  to  have  abandoned  forever,  seeing 
no  difference  before  and  after  the  battle,  except  in 
the  long  rows  of  hospital  tents  which  now  whiten 
the  fields  from  Aquia  to  Potomac  Creek,  the  num 
ber  of  missing  and  dismounted  men,  and  the  big 
corrals  of  sore-backed  mules. 


204        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Of  the  cavalry,  and  the  part  it  took  in  this 
battle,  may  be  said  what  was  said  of  Cardigan's 
charge  "C'est  magnifigue,  mais  cnest  pas  la 
Guerre!"  Stoneman's  raid  and  Kilpatrick's  dash 
to  within  the  fortifications  of  Richmond  were  fine 
things,  considered  by  themselves,  and  could  have 
been  made  to  contribute  to  the  final  victory  had 
Hooker  stayed  where  he  was  on  the  south  of  the 
Rappahannock.  As  he  came  north  again,  the 
value  of  the  cavalry  operations  reduced  itself  to 
the  value  of  the  property  destroyed  and  the 
encouragement  with  which  it  inspired  the  entire 
corps — a  flower  that  bore  fruit  in  the  next  cam 
paign. 

As  for  the  infantry,  it  doubtless  fought  gallantly 
as  it  did  always,  but  here  under  the  most  dis 
advantageous  circumstances.  Nevertheless  it 
achieved  a  success,  not  alone  in  the  death  of 
Stonewall  Jackson,  but  practically  and  immedi 
ately  by  executing  a  flank  movement  and  holding 
it  for  three  days.  Was  there  any  reason  why  the 
army  should  have  abandoned  the  position  it  had 
won?  That  the  dispiriting  nature  of  the  woods 
was  no  good  reason  for  retiring,  though  it  might 
have  been  an  excellent  reason  for  refusing  to  offer 
battle  there,  is  proved  by  the  later  actions  of 
Grant  in  the  Wilderness. 

The  great  rain  and  rise  in  the  river  did  not  occur 
until  the  army  was  partly  across  and  could  not 
have  been  the  cause  of  retreat.  Sedgwick  retired 
by  Bank's  Ford  because  we  drove  him  across 


The  Chancellorsville  Campaign    205 

before   he   made   the   connection   with   Hooker's 
left  wing. 

My  impression  is  that  the  cause  will  be  found 
partly  in  Hooker's  nature.  He  was  a  cavalryman, 
prompt  to  advance  and  prompt  to  retreat  when  his 
command  was  demoralized,  and  handled  the  army 
as  he  would  a  cavalry  division  out  on  a  recon 
naissance. 

This  was  no  position,   being  on  the  enemy's 

flank,  to  maintain  with  security.    Hooker  was  too 

far  from  his  base  and  liable  at  any  time  to  see 

Lee  between  himself  and  Washington.     It  could 

only  have  been  tenable  after  defeat  in  case  he  had 

turned  Lee's  right  wing,  compelled  him  to  retire  to 

Orange  Court  House,  and  placing  Washington  on 

his  rear  had  been  able  to  use  Fredericksburg  as  the 

base  of  supplies  for  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

My  impression  is  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  fell 

back  on  Falmouth  for  the  same  reason  that  the 

cavalry  did — to  prevent  Lee  from  getting  in  our 

rear.    The  impression  was  general,  that  Lee,  seeing 

the  advantage  he  had  gained,  was  about  to  flank 

us  in  turn  and  get  between  us  and  Aquia  Creek. 

Independent  of  all  this,  it  follows  from  what  was 

said  at  the  beginning,  he  should  have  offered  to 

deliver  battle  at  Bank's  Ford,  where  he  had  good 

open  country,  would  have  connected  with  Sedg- 

wick  and  with  Aquia  Creek,  and  should  have  kept 

his  cavalry  in  hand  to  use  on  the  field,  whereas  he 

did  use  some  of  it,  when  it  came  back  from  a 

useless  raid,  to  cover  his  communications,  or  else, 


206        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

to  complete  the  ruin  of  the  enemy  in  case  he 
showed  signs  of  wavering,  by  that  maneuver 
which  the  cavalry  corps  waited  for,  a  charge 
en  masse  against  infantry,  at  the  decisive  moment. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE   CAMPAIGN   ENDING  WITH 
GETTYSBURG 

THIS  action  is  preceded  by  cavalry  combats 
which  have  lost  their  luster  somewhat,  in  the  light 
of  the  succeeding  great  victory.  The  duty  of  our 
corps  between  Chancellorsville  and  Gettysburg 
was  to  feel  the  army  beyond  the  Rappahannock, 
and  the  interval  between  the  fifth  of  May  and 
second  of  July  is  occupied  in  such  enterprises,  in 
which  we  dealt  with  Stuart,  Fitz-Hugh  Lee,  and 
Robinson. 

The  battle  of  Beverly  Ford  was  the  result  of  an 
attempt  to  feel  the  enemy,  and  we  felt  him  some 
what  to  our  cost.  The  corps  crossing  early  under 
Pleasanton,  part  at  Beverly  under  Pleasanton, 
part  under  Gregg  at  Kelly s  Ford,  was  to  effect 
a  junction  on  the  southern  side.  We  were  then 
under  Duffle,  and  the  junction  was  never  made. 
Accordingly,  our  division  advancing  in  line  soon 
ran  foul  of  the  Rebels  in  the  wood  and  charging 
through  drove  them  out,  with  the  loss  of  a  few  men 
on  our  side.  We  had  no  sooner  reached  the  open 
country,  however,  than  we  encountered  a  heavy 
fire  from  a  battery  commanding  the  road.  Accord- 

207 


208        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

ingly  we  turned  back,  but  only  to  encounter  new 
Rebel  batteries,  with  greater  forces  than  ours. 
Meanwhile  our  mule-train  and  part  of  our  ambu 
lances  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  In  this  manner 
we  were  driven  about  in  a  circle  all  day  seeking 
Pleasanton  and  finding  Rebel  batteries.  About 
four,  my  men,  who  had  been  awake  forty-eight 
hours  and  in  the  saddle  all  the  time,  having  been 
on  picket  the  second  night  previous,  and  having 
marched  during  the  last  night,  told  me  they  could 
not  keep  awake  any  longer.  While  we  were  lying 
under  a  shower  of  shells  I  gave  the  permission,  and 
for  fifteen  minutes  we  slept,  and  arose  refreshed, 
the  enemy  finally  obliged  to  fall  back  into  woods, 
at  the  edge  of  which  we  found  the  welcome  muskets 
of  a  Minnesota  infantry  regiment.  The  "Dough 
boys"  are  very  popular  with  cavalry  when  they 
feel  themselves  worn  out.  Indeed,  without  a 
battery  in  which  they  had  confidence  our  cavalry 
brigade  was  by  no  means  eager  for  fighting.  We 
were  long  with  Tidball's  battery  and  with  them 
we  never  feared  of  holding  our  men.  The  enlisted 
men  of  a  cavalry  regiment  have  such  a  constant 
chance  to  criticise  the  merits  of  the  artillery  officers, 
and  acting  with  them  they  are  their  continual 
backers,  that,  once  losing  confidence  in  them,  it  is 
idle  to  ask  much  unless  the  artillery  is  changed. 
Artillery,  however,  appears  to  be  equally  powerless 
unless  it  has  confidence  in  the  efficiency  of  the 
cavalry  with  whom  it  acts,  to  protect  them  against 
capture.  On  this  occasion  we  had  a  new  battery 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        209 

with  us,  commanded  by  a  very  young  West- 
Pointer,  and  as  his  shells  appeared  to  fall  short 
and  threatened  the  advance  of  our  own  men,  it 
was  hopeless  to  get  our  troopers  into  energetic 
action.  Near  night  we  joined  Pleasanton  as  he 
was  crossing  the  Rappahannock.  We  were,  how 
ever,  not  yet  across  before  the  rebel  artillery 
posted  itself  coolly  on  the  high  southern  bank  and 
made  us  retreat  out  of  range,  under  cover  of  the 
woods  at  Bealton.  We  now  knew  at  least  that 
Lee's  Army  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  Rappa 
hannock  Station. 

BEVERLY 

During  the  heat  and  exhaustion  of  this  action, 
having  been  forty-eight  hours  in  the  saddle,  sick 
and  much  indisposed  at  the  time,  I  found  the 
proper  place  and  uses  of  whiskey;  ready  to  lie 
still  and  be  captured  rather  than  move.  I  begged 
our  surgeon  for  a  drink.  He  had  but  two  swallows 
in  his  canteen,  red  and  hot  as  fire,  which  I  drank, 
and  I  endured  the  rest  with  the  greatest  ease. 

There  appears  to  be  a  lull  and  we  move  across, 
under  command  of  Duffie,  as  far  as  Culpeper, 
unmolested  and  return.  Suddenly  the  corps  moves 
again  and  this  time  by  forced  marches  to  the  north. 
There  is  a  race  for  the  Gaps  of  the  Bull  Run 
Mountains.  We  move  as  if  towards  Washington 
City  at  first  and  camp  on  the  field  of  Bull  Run. 
From  Bull  Run  we  turn  towards  the  mountain  and 
drive  Stuart  through  Thoroughfare  Gap.  We 


210        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

return  to  Centerville  and  again  meet  the  enemy 
at  Aldie  where  we  drive  him  again.  Here  the 
Colonel  of  the  1st  Maine,  Colonel  Davis,  is  killed. 
This  is  June  I7th. 

June  i8th. 

Pleasanton  seems  determined  to  push  Stuart. 
The  whole  corps  advances  in  line  of  battle  to 
wards  the  west;  Pleasanton  and  staff  on  the  road, 
the  divisions  to  right  and  left.  We  are  now 
in  the  beautiful  valley  between  the  two  ranges  of 
the  Bull  Run  Mountains.  I  am  ordered  to  take 
Middleburg  and  charge  through,  driving  the 
enemy  out.  This  is  accomplished. 

At  evening  I  am  told  the  position  is  untenable 
and  ordered  back.  On  our  way  through  town, 
the  Rebel  dead  are  seen  lying  on  the  porch  of  a 
hotel,  ranged  in  line.  They  are  all  finely  formed 
fellows.  We  retire  to  about  half  a  mile  to  the  east 
of  the  town.  Rain  and  night  come,  but  the  enemy 
remains  quiet. 

June  iQth. 

Being  still  in  advance,  am  ordered  to  retake  the 
town.  This  time  the  advance  is  more  difficult. 
They  drive  us  back  on  the  main  street;  and  we 
charge  them  in  flank.  They  retreat  to  the  woods, 
one  mile  beyond.  At  ten,  the  whole  of  Gregg's 
division  come  up  and  go  into  action.  The  line 
of  battle  is  a  semicircle  of  about  a  mile.  The 
most  obstinate  resistance  is  about  an  old  cemetery. 
Our  men,  under  Major  Biddle,  are  behind  the  grave- 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        211 

stones  and  walls.  The  vital  point  of  their  position 
is  the  road  leading  into  the  woods  on  the  brow  of 
the  hill  in  front.  The  1st  Maine  charge  again 
and  again.  Each  time  they  come  out  of  the  woods 
like  a  swarm  of  bees.  The  road  is  crowded  with 
the  dead.  We  draw  in  our  line  and  make  a  united 
charge  on  the  center  and  the  position  is  carried. 
The  Rebels  retreat  toward  Upperville. 

June  2Oth. 

We  spend  the  day  in  camp,  slaughtering  the 
cattle  we  pick  up  in  this  fine  farming  country. 
They  seem  to  be  of  excellent  stock  and  the  soldiers 
pant  for  fresh  beef.  Alas!  it  is  tainted  with  the 
wild  garlic  on  which  they  graze,  and  uneatable. 
We  return  to  crackers  and  bacon. 

June  21,  Sunday. 

Pleasanton  still  cries  "Forward!"  and  gives 
Stuart  no  rest.  We  march  again  as  before— 
Pleasanton  in  the  center,  in  line  of  battle,  each 
regiment  in  column  of  squadrons.  We  are  hin 
dered  much  by  the  stone  fences  in  this  country  and 
the  pioneers  have  heavy  work  of  it.  The  blue 
mountains  are  nearer,  and  their  sides  look  fertile 
and  clear  in  this  fine  weather.  The  roads  are  dry 
and  hard.  At  four,  the  artillery  opens.  The 
enemy  has  made  a  desperate  stand  at  Upperville, 
which  lies  in  a  valley,  just  this  side  of  Ashby's 
Gap.  First  I  am  ordered  by  Gregg  to  support 
Tidball.  Scarcely  in  position  before  an  order 


212        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

comes  from  Pleasant  on  to  join  Kilpatrick  in  the 
road  and  charge  to  the  Gap.  We  charge  through 
town;  when  we  get  beyond,  we  meet  the  rebels 
firing  from  behind  two  high  rocky  eminences  on 
each  side.  Kilpatrick  gallops  towards  me,  swear 
ing,  and  brandishing  his  sabre  and  ordering  me  to 
stop.  But  there  is  no  stopping  five  hundred  wild 
and  infuriated  men  with  drawn  sabres.  My 
orderly  falls;  I  try  to  get  two  squadrons  to  charge 
on  flank.  Before  the  order  is  out  of  my  mouth, 
we  close  hand  to  hand  with  Robinson's  brigade, 
who  comes  tearing  down  the  level  slope  from  the 
Gap.  Neither  party  can  give  way  as  we  are  shut 
in  by  high  stone  fences.  Now  we  are  all  inter 
mingled,  every  man  for  himself;  with  carbine, 
pistol,  and  sabre — a  jammed  mass  slaughtering 
one  another.  My  two  squadrons  break  the  lock 
and  come  in  on  the  left  and  right  flank.  They  had 
been  detained  by  the  fences  and  now  fight  leaning 
over  the  fences  and  pulling  each  other  off  their 
horses.  Suddenly  the  mass  moves  backwards 
towards  the  Gap.  There  is  a  panic  and  I  am  swept 
with  the  Rebels.  I  release  myself  from  the  rider 
who  holds  my  rein  by  a  thrust  of  my  sabre.  He 
drops  between  the  two  horses  and  his  horse  and 
mine  gallop  back  together.  We  form  a  new  line 
and  advance  as  skirmishers  but  it  is  unnecessary. 
The  Rebels  have  retreated  through  the  Gap. 

Soon  we  are  ordered  into  camp  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  town.  As  we  ride  through  the  high 
road,  it  is  mournful  to  see  the  heaps  of  dead  blue 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        213 

and  gray  men  lying  on  their  backs  pale  and  stiff, 
some  still  grasping  their  sabres,  others  dead  in  the 
act  of  tearing  open  their  clothes  to  reach  their 
wounds.  Everywhere  lies  the  horse,  with  the  side 
swollen,  the  eyes  open  and  distended,  the  mouth 
emitting  foam.  It  reminds  one  of  Byron.  His 
description  is  accurate. 

"  And  there  lay  the  rider — distorted  and  pale, 
With  the  dew  on  his  brow  and  the  rust  on  his  mail. 

And  there  lay  the  steed  with  his  nostrils  all  wide, 

And  the  foam  of  his  gasping  lay  white  on  the  turf, 
And  cold  as  the  spray  of  the  rock-beaten  surf." 

The  surgeon  of  my  regiment  stopped  to  ex 
amine  a  few  who  appeared  to  give  signs  of  re 
maining  life;  but  announced  every  one  fatally 
injured.  The  counter  charging  over  the  fallen 
troopers  of  several  thousand  horse  gave  even  the 
slightly  wounded  no  chance  for  life. 

I  indulged  in  another  reflection.  These  men 
were  all  dressed  in  homespun.  Their  saddles  and 
harness,  holsters,  sabre  knots,  and  even  carbines 
were  home-made.  In  the  latter  you  recognized 
the  shortened  musket  barrel.  How  desperately 
in  earnest  must  such  a  people  be  who  after  foreign 
supplies  are  exhausted  depend  on  their  own  fabrics 
rather  than  submit !  Again,  how  hard  it  seems  for 
us  strangers  to  kill  these  young  men  in  sight  of  the 


214        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

cottages  where  some  of  them  were  raised,  fighting, 
as  they  believed  themselves  to  be,  for  their  own 
friends!  Thus  passes  a  Sunday  in  war.  But  the 
enemy  is  gone,  driven  through  the  second  and  last 
hole  in  the  mountain  range,  and  further  pursuit 
is  out  of  the  question. 

That  night  we  make  our  beds  of  hay  and  sleep 
soundly.  Stuart  cannot  stand  before  Pleasanton. 

Monday,  June  22nd. 

We  retire  at  our  leisure  from  Upper ville,  through 
Middleburg  again  back  to  Aldie,  with  a  strong  but 
unnecessary  rear-guard.  No  one  pursues. 

Tuesday,  June  23 rd. 

We  march  northeast  towards  Leesburg,  where 
we  find  a  great  deal  of  infantry  on  the  march. 

Wednesday,  June  24th;  Thursday,  June  25th; 
Friday,  June  26th — On  picket  at  Goose  Creek, 
with  instructions  to  guard  all  the  roads  leading 
to  Edwards  Ferry.  We  hear  that  Lee  is  to  the 
north  of  us  in  Pennsylvania,  and  Stuart  behind  us 
in  pursuit. 

Saturday,  June  27  th. 

Fine  weather.  Ordered  to  withdraw  my  pickets 
and  fall  back  on  the  main  body  at  Edwards  Ferry. 
When  we  emerged  from  the  woods  what  a  sight 
was  there — pontoons  across  the  Potomac,  and  on 
the  other  side  the  army  of  General  Hooker  on  the 
heights!  We  are  in  pursuit  of  Lee.  Crossed  this 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        215 

evening.  Read  a  Washington  paper  saying  that 
Harrisburg  is  threatened  and  Ewell  at  York. 
Again  Lee  has  escaped  us.  We  took  in  forage  and 
supplies  and  marched  for  the  north.  The  night 
was  dark  and  confusion  reigned  supreme.  The 
brigade  and  regiment  all  mixed  up.  One  half  of 
my  regiment  is  gone.  When  day  breaks  only  three 
squadrons  remain.  The  same  in  other  brigades. 

Sunday,  June  28th. 

Fine  and  clear.  We  have  gathered  our  com 
mands.  At  12  noon  we  start  again  and  by  even 
ing  reach  Frederick  City— 5  P.M.  Part  of  my  best 
command  got  here  before  me.  The  country  through 
which  we  passed  seemed  all  loyal.  Women  waved 
their  handkerchiefs  and  children  handed  us  bou 
quets.  The  troops  moved  in  parallel  routes ;  infant 
ry,  cavalry,  and  artillery  frequently  got  confused. 

At  Frederick  is  the  Grand  Army.  I  hear  that 
Hooker  is  relieved  and  Meade  in  command.  We 
all  remember  Meade,  as  a  Pennsylvanian  and 
General  of  the  Reserves,  and  are  well  satisfied— 
although  the  change  just  now  looks  dubious. 

Monday ',  June  2$th. 

One  of  my  men  killed  in  a  drunken  row.  We 
pass  through  Frederick,  and  taste  the  luxury  of 
fresh  bread.  Everyone  has  something  he  wants 
to  buy.  Tobacco,  whiskey,  and  riding  whips 
appear  to  be  cavalry  wants. 

Halted  at  noon  and  grazed  in  a  fine  field  of 
timothy,  near  an  elegant  mansion.  The  owner 


216        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

did  not  appear  to  like  it.  We  get  entangled  so 
frequently  with  wagon  trains  and  infantry  that  the 
progress  is  slow.  Rested  at  Unionville. 


Tuesday,  June 
Passed  through  Westminster  and  camped  near 
Manchester.     We  are  clear  of  the  infantry  and 
march  fast.     Horse  after  horse  is  giving  out. 

Wednesday,  July  1st. 

Reached  Hanover  at  five  in  the  morning  and  are 
once  again  on  the  soil  of  our  native  State.  Slept 
in  a  field  of  wheat.  No  rest.  At  seven  we  are 
again  on  the  march.  A  clergyman,  before  whose 
house  we  halted,  came  to  the  window  in  his  night 
dress,  and  told  us  Lee's  Army  was  at  Gettysburg. 
A  battle  had  been  fought,  Reynolds  killed,  and 
Howard  in  command.  We  pressed  on  vigorously. 
At  Hanover  the  dead  cavalry  horses  showed  a 
cavalry  fight.  They  said  Kilpatrick  had  defeated 
the  enemy  there. 

All  corps  march  furiously. 

Thursday,  July  2nd. 

This  morning  at  eleven  we  reached  Gettysburg 
and  halted.  McClellan  is  reported  in  command 
and  Butler  Secretary  of  War.  Met  Colonel  Tay 
lor  of  the  Reserves  who  used  to  be  at  my  house  at 
Washington.1  Gregg  ordered  us  into  a  field  of 
clover  on  Rock  Creek,  between  Hanover  and 
Taneytown  roads.  At  three  I  was  ordered  to 

1  Colonel  Taylor  was  killed  that  same  afternoon.  He  was  a 
brother  of  Bayard  Taylor. 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        217 

accompany  a  staff  officer  of  General  Pleasanton's 
with  my  regiment.  We  hastened  through  the 
crowded  roads  to  what  I  afterwards  learned  was 
Little  Round  Top,  in  rear  of  some  artillery, 
McGillery's  artillery  brigade  of  Sickles's  corps, 
where  I  left  my  regiment  and  went  with  my  guide 
to  Pleasant  on  for  instructions.  This  was  the 
headquarters  of  our  army. 

The  house  was  a  small  cottage  on  the  left  of  the 
Taney  Town  Road,  sheltered  somewhat  by  the  hill 
above.  Outside  were  many  staff  officers  and  or 
derlies.  Within  was  Butterfield,  Meade,  and 
Pleasanton.  They  occupied  a  room  that  contained 
the  ordinary  bedroom  furniture  of  a  poor  Penn 
sylvania  farmer.  Their  gentlemanly  manner  and 
brilliant  uniforms  contrasted  strangely  with  the 
surroundings. 

Pleasanton  begged  my  pardon  for  having  made 
me  ride  so  far.  There  was  no  need  of  exposing  the 
cavalry  in  front.  I  should  rejoin  Gregg  on  the 
right  and  tell  him  to  take  good  care  of  it.  My 
orderly's  horse  was  struck  by  a  shell  here.  I 
rejoined  my  regiment,  who  were  very  glad  to  get 
out  of  the  fearful  rain  of  shell  which,  directed  to 
the  caissons  in  front  of  them,  dismounted  a  number 
of  them.  On  my  way  back  noticed  Sickles  on  a 
stretcher,  smoking  a  cigar.  They  said  his  leg  had 
been  shot  off  in  the  last  charge.  This  is  giving 
the  "Solace  Tobacco"  a  new  meaning.  By  the 
time  I  reached  Gregg  he  was  just  going  into  camp 
in  the  clover  field  above  mentioned.  The  men 


218        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

were  just  leaving  their  horses  run  at  random  to 
graze  and  sitting  down  to  make  coffee,  when  a 
long  Rebel  infantry  skirmish  line  issues 
from  the  woods  and  advances  towards  us,  while 
artillery  on  the  edge  of  the  woods  reach  us  with 
shells.  We  get  our  artille  y  limbered  up  again, 
throw  out  a  stronger  line,  drive  them  back,  and 
then,  in  sight  of  one  another,  take  supper,  for  the 
first  time  since  we  left  Edwards  Ferry,  with  some 
degree  of  comfort.  But  our  rest  is  short.  At 
eight  we  march  in  division  down  the  Tennally- 
town  road  for  camp.  Pleasanton  seems  to  be 
anxious  to  guard  the  rear  from  attack.  I  again 
report  to  Pleasanton  and  he  orders  me  to  picket 
the  left  flank  beyond  the  infantry.  These  are 
extreme' y  agreeable  orders.  The  night  is  dark. 
I  have  no  knowledge  of  the  locality.  No  one  can 
tell  me  where  the  line  is.  Pleasanton  does  not 
know.  I  must  find  out  myself.  I  enter  the  first 
road  turning  to  the  left.  First  we  run  into  ambu 
lances,  then  into  infantry,  then  again  know  we 
are  among  the  wounded  by  their  groans,  and  so, 
groping  our  way  between  the  pickets  of  the  two 
armies,  we  finally  run  some  kind  of  a  line  by  one 
o'clock,  but  whether  it  runs  inside  the  rebels  or 
inside  of  our  wagon  trains,  I  cannot  tell.  The 
men  must  take  care  of  themselves. 

Friday,  July  3rd. 

Morning  arrives  and  I  visit  the  line.     It  is  all 
right — the  men,  being  old  picketers,  have  disposed 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        219 

themselves  in  hailing  distance  of  one  another  and 
beyond  the  infantry.  Soon  after  daybreak  I  am 
ordered  to  withdraw  my  line  within  the  infantry. 
We  are  now  stationed  at  "Two  Taverns"  and 
have  some  rest  to  observe  the  battle.  At  ten  the 
cannonading  ceases  and  thousands  of  Rebels  are 
driven  in;  thousands  of  wounded  carried  to  the 
rear.  At  one  a  terrific  fire  opens.  The  whole 
heavens  are  dotted  with  the  tufts  made  by  explod 
ing  shells.  Pleasanton  anticipates  an  attack  at 
Littlestown  and  orders  me  to  send  a  patrol  to 
discover  what  is  going  on.  Before  they  have  time 
to  report,  I  am  ordered  to  join  our  cavalry  on  the 
right.  We  march  through  the  woods  and  find 
Gregg  heavily  engaged  between  the  Hanover  road 
and  York  road,  on  the  enemy's  left.  The  3rd 
Pennsylvania  suffers  severely.  My  own  regiment 
is  badly  shelled,  but  the  enemy  is  driven  in  towards 
the  rear.  At  night  we  pass  over  the  unburied 
dead  towards  the  Hanover  road  and  camp,  which 
we  reach  at  eight.  Scarcely  are  we  asleep  before 
a  tremendous  volley  of  musketry  resounds  along 
the  whole  line  and  then  all  is  still  again. 

Saturday,  July  4th. 

The  morning  is  misty.  We  move  out  to  the  old 
fighting  ground  near  the  York  road,  to  renew 
action.  At  eleven  we  are  in  line.  Gregg  rides 
off.  We  see  and  hear  nothing  except  a  heavy  rain. 
At  5  P.M.  we  are  ordered  to  go  to  camp.  We  sur 
mise  the  enemy  has  fallen  back.  A  rumor 


220        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

spreads  that  Lee  is  in  full  retreat.  We  return 
drenched  to  camp.  A  prisoner  of  an  Alabama 
regiment  is  captured  and  says  Lee  is  gone,  and 
the  Confederacy  at  an  end.  He  wants  no  more 
fighting. 

Sunday,  July  jth. 

The  ground  is  still  wet  with  the  night's  rain  but 
the  air  is  heavy  and  sultry  and  the  day  extremely 
hot.  At  6  A.M.  we  march  over  to  the  York  road 
and  take  possession  of  about  five  hundred  prisoners 
who  are  stowed  away  in  every  place  that  has  a 
roof — houses,  barns,  outhouses,  haymows,  thresh 
ing  floors,  corncribs.  They  have  nothing  to  say, 
and  crawl  about  at  our  coming  with  a  kind  of  dazed 
and  stupid  stare.  Around  the  buildings  are  scat 
tered  amputated  limbs  and  sheet-iron  breast 
plates.  Our  ambulances  remove  the  wounded. 

At  ten  o'clock  receive  orders  to  march  through 
the  town  by  the  York  road  and  wait  for  the  rest 
of  the  division  beyond.  On  the  road  we  find  Ex- 
Governor  Bigler  in  a  carriage,  driving  into  town. 
We  enter  and  tear  down  the  barricades  in  the 
streets.  They  are  up  to  the  second  story  of  the 
brick  houses  and  composed  of  wagons,  rocking- 
chairs,  bureaus,  stones,  rails,  planks,  and  palings. 
They  took  what  seemed  handiest.  Occasionally 
we  see  the  mark  of  shells  on  the  houses,  but  not 
many.  The  inhabitants  are  few,  and  look,  as  we 
pass,  in  stupid  astonishment.  The  houses  are  all 
hospitals.  The  dead  are  removed  from  the  streets, 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        221 

but  beyond  the  town  is  a  scene  and  a  smell  that 
cannot  well  be  described.  The  odor  of  the  decay 
ing  bodies  is  so  sickening  that  some  of  my  men 
vomit.  As  far  as  the  eye  can  reach  on  both  sides 
of  the  Cashtown  road  you  see  blue-coated  boys, 
swollen  up  to  look  as  giants,  quite  black  in  the  face, 
but  nearly  all  on  their  backs,  looking  into  the 
clear  blue  with  open  eyes,  with  their  clothes  torn 
open.  It  is  strange  that  dying  men  tear  their 
clothes  in  this  manner.  You  see  them  lying  in 
platoons  of  infantry  with  officers  and  arms  exactly 
as  they  stood  or  ran — artillery  men  with  caisson 
blown  up  and  four  horses,  each  in  position — dead. 
Occasionally  the  yellow  stripe  of  a  cavalryman 
beside  his  horse.  You  meet  also  limbs  and  frag 
ments  of  men.  The  road  is  strewn  with  dead, 
whom  the  Rebels  have  half  buried  and  whom  the 
heavy  rain  has  uncovered.  Our  horses  snort  as 
they  approach  them  and  jump  to  one  side.  Plenty 
of  fresh  earth  is  thrown  up  too — the  graves  of 
Rebels  to  whom  their  comrades  hurriedly  per 
formed  the  last  offices.  In  the  road  too  are  frag 
ments  of  citizens,  clothing,  stolen  and  abandoned 
again,  and  all  the  vestiges  of  a  great  and  beaten 
army  hurriedly  retreating — stragglers  in  every 
corner  too  anxious  to  be  taken  prisoners;  caissons, 
harness,  piles  of  shells,  ammunitions,  cracker- 
boxes;  abandoned  horses  and  mules;  the  hoofs 
and  footprints  and  ruts  made  by  a  myriad  of 
trains,  horses,  cattle,  and  fugitive  soldiers.  Soon 
we  see  plainer  marks  of  a  demoralized  retreat. 


222        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

We  reach  what  first  seems  regimental  tents.  As 
we  approach  we  find  they  had  left  their  hospitals 
all  standing  with  the  wounded  and  surgeons. 
Barns,  houses,  sheds,  the  roadside,  the  fields,  the 
hayricks,  were  full  of  rebels  eager  to  be  captured. 
At  every  turn  of  the  road  farmers  appeared  with 
pitchforks  and  flails,  having  driven  together  a 
flock  of  stragglers,  and  handing  them  over  to  the 
cavalry.  These  farmers  appeared  especially  en 
raged  because  the  retreating  column  had  aban 
doned  the  road,  and  had  marched  over  the  grain, 
making  a  swath,  twelve  feet  deep,  parallel  to  the 
road,  of  trampled  wheat  and  rye.  Caissons,  shells, 
cartridges,  guns,  arms  of  all  sorts,  baggage- wagons, 
wagons  stolen  from  the  farmers,  drums,  strewed 
the  road. 

So  we  advance,  driving  the  stragglers  in,  through 
Cashtown,  across  the  mountain,  the  i6th  Penn 
sylvania  in  advance.  As  we  approach  Stevens 
Furnace,  my  regiment  is  ordered  to  the  front.  We 
have  caught  up  with  their  cavalry.  It  is  now  late 
in  the  afternoon, — the  cavalry  utterly  exhausted 
by  the  forced  march.  We  attack  them  in  the 
road  and  one  of  my  men  is  killed.  Night  comes 
and  we  encamp  along  the  creek  at  the  Furn 
ace.  In  the  morning  the  rebel  rear-guard  is 
gone. 

Monday,  July  6th. 

It  is  now  our  day  for  the  advance.  I  receive 
orders  at  Fayetteville  to  charge  down  the  road  to 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        223 

Greencastle.  Gregg's  adjutant  general  rides 
with  me  to  see  that  the  pace  is  rapid.  He  insists 
on  galloping.  About  one  hundred  stragglers  fall 
in.  But  no  signs  of  the  rear- guard.  At  Marion 
the  march  has  made  an  end  of  any  efficiency 
in  my  force.  I  count  up  out  of  the  five  hun 
dred  men  of  my  regiment  with  whom  I  left  Po 
tomac  Creek,  twenty-five  with  me  mounted.  The 
rest  are,  heaven  only  knows  where,  dismount 
ed,  killed,  wounded,  scattered,  and  not  on 
hand. 

At  Marion  a  citizen  tells  me  Fitz-Hugh  Lee  with 
two  thousand  horse  is  leisurely  grazing  his  horses 
at  Brown's  Mills,  about  one  mile  to  the  left.  A 
reconnaissance  shows  that  he  is  right.  Now  is  the 
golden  opportunity  for  a  surprise.  If  I  had  only 
two  hundred  men  it  might  do,  but  with  twenty-five 
it  is  absurd.  An  orderly  carries  the  news  and  asks 
Gregg  to  come  up  and  scatter  the  party.  He 
answers,  "Good  God!  what  does  the  man  mean? 
Let  him  fall  back  on  me  at  Fayetteville. " 
While  I  was  waiting  for  reinforcements  four  miles 
away  from  the  main  body,  and  one  from  Lee,  a 
citizen  handed  me  the  Philadelphia  Inquirer, 
containing  an  account  of  the  battle  and  saying 
that  there  was  a  freshet  in  the  Potomac  and  the 
cavalry  had  utterly  routed  Lee's  retreating  army. 
Alas!  had  the  necessary  strength  been  furnished, 
I  think  it  could  have  been  done,  then  and 
there. 

Judging    from    the    immense    decrease    in    the 


224        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

strength  of  my  own  regiment  I  have  no  doubt 
Gregg's  force  was  small  comparatively.  Neither 
do  I  know  what  his  orders  were.  They  may  have 
been  to  retreat,  though  not  probably.  But  there 
are  times  when  a  wholesome  disobedience,  like 
that  of  Bernard  von  Weimer's  at  Quatre  Bras  has 
turned  the  scale  of  victory.  He  may  have  been 
afraid  of  leaving  a  Rebel  force  on  his  flank.  But 
I  incline  to  believe  that  Gregg  judged  his  strength 
insufficient  to  cope  with  a  whole  army,  and  there 
fore  fell  back  as  he  did  that  night  on  Goldsboro 
and  Chambersburg.  Our  ammunition  was  nearly 
exhausted  and  the  horses  sore-backed  and  ex 
hausted.  Still,  allowing  all  that,  it  seems  to  me 
that  a  vigorous  and  general  charge  of  Gregg's 
division  on  Lee,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  6th  as 
he  lay  at  ease  near  Marion,  would  have  routed  that 
demoralized  body  and  driven  such  consternation 
throughout  the  infantry — harassed  by  a  freshet  in 
the  rear — as  would  have  given  us  the  Southern 
Army. 

At  Chambersburg  it  was  a  great  luxury  to  get 
shaved  in  the  same  barber  shop  where  Hill  had 
just  been  shaved,  to  walk  again  on  pavements, 
to  talk  with  women  and  men,  citizens,  about  the 
career  of  the  rebels  in  their  town.  The  court 
house  was  quite  white  with  the  flour  distributed 
here  among  the  soldiers.  The  citizens  were 
very  angry  at  the  ruffians,  for  taking  their  hats  off 
and  putting  them  on  their  own  heads,  and  robbing 
their  storerooms. 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        225 

Wednesday,  July  ?th. 

Our  detour  to  Chambersburg  has  made  an  end 
of  our  pursuit  of  Lee.  We  march  leisurely  through 
Waynesboro  to  Quincy. 

Thursday,  July  8th. 

Pass  through  Wolfsville,  Myerstown  to  Middle- 
town.  Met  General  Smith's  militia. 

Friday,  July  gth. 

Camped  at  Middletown,  shoeing  horses,  cleaning 
armor,  resting,  grazing,  laying  in  forage,  rations, 
and  ammunition. 

WRITTEN   AFTER  RETURN  TO  CAMP. 

Saturday,  July  nth. 

We  marched  to  Boonesboro,  where  the  rest  of  the 
cavalry  corps  is  assembled. 

Sunday,  July  I2th. 

My  regiment  receives  thirty-five  horses  and  our 
brigade  is  joined  by  Scott's  nine  hundred  cavalry 
and  detachments  of  the  I3th  and  I4th  Penn 
sylvania  Cavalry. 

Monday,  July  ijth. 
Rested  and  recruited  my  command. 

Tuesday,  July  iqth. 

Gregg's  division  moves  on  early  and  crosses  the 
Potomac  over  pontoons  at   Harpers  Ferry.     We 
15 


226        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

are  going  to  intercept  Lee's  passage,  but  it  looks 
rather  late.  We  should  have  been  at  this  a  week 
earlier.  Camp  that  night  on  the  heights  above 
Harpers  Ferry — Bolivar  Heights. 

Wednesday,  July  i$th. 

At  seven  marched  out  on  the  roads  toward 
Martinsburg  and  Winchester.  The  enemy  is 
reported  on  our  left  at  Charleston.  At  2  o'clock 
we  reach  Shepherdstown.  I  am  ordered  to  proceed 
with  my  regiment  four  miles  on  the  Winchester 
Pike.  Advanced  as  far  as  Walfert's  Cross  Roads, 
where  we  hear  the  sound  of  drums  in  three  direc 
tions:  on  our  left  going  towards  Charleston;  on 
the  right  going  towards  Martinsburg;  in  front 
going  to  Winchester.  Barricaded  the  crossroads 
and  sent  in  for  reinforcements.  Skirmishing  with 
the  pickets  all  night. 

Thursday,  July  i6fh. 

Am  relieved  during  the  night,  and  by  eight 
return  to  camp.  Told  Gregg  the  crossroads  were 
not  tenable  by  one  regiment.  Sitting  down  to 
dinner  under  an  apple  tree.  The  1st  Maine  is 
driven  in.  It  looks  very  much  as  if  we  were  in  the 
middle  of  Lee's  Army. 

Reinforcements  are  sent  forward.  The  1st 
Maine  is  driven  into  the  woods  about  half  a  mile, 
the  other  side  of  Shepherdstown,  when  it  makes  a 
stand.  We  have  only  two  pieces  of  artillery.  Our 
men  are  dismounted  and  go  into  action.  They 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        227 

continue   to   press  our  flanks  inward.     Artillery 
moves  to  within  two  hundred  yards  of  my  right. 
The  woods  swarm  with  whole  regiments  moving 
into  line.     Our  artillery  falls  short  and  is  useless. 
Charge  after  charge  is  made  but  with  no  effect. 
There  is  great  slaughter  among  our  men.     I  never 
saw  these  rebels   so  bold.      Gradually  sun  sets. 
If  we  can  only  hold  on  until  dark,  we  may  escape. 
The  ammunition  gives  out  and   our    mule-train 
is  captured.     Finally  comes  night.     We  are  in  a 
small  circle  hemmed  in  by  a  heavy  force,  most  of 
our  dead  and  wounded  in  their  hands.     The  men 
stay  on  post.     Every  half  hour  or  so,  the  line 
starts  firing   and  blazes  from  end  to  end.     At 
1 1  P.M.  orders  come  to  withdraw  quietly.     In  the 
darkness  some  of  the  men  could  not  be  found  and 
were  left.     We  retire  through  ravines  in  a  pitch- 
dark  night,  until  by  the  light  of  an  occasional  fire 
we  reach  the  Harpers  Ferry  road,  and  by  day 
light  are  again  on  Bolivar  Heights. 

Thursday,  July  ijth. 

Harpers  Ferry. 

We  are  all  glad  of  our  escape,  but  sorry  we  came 
too  late  to  intercept.  We  even  so  nearly  inter 
cepted  ourselves. 

Friday,  July  i8th. 

Harpers  Ferry 

The  Army  of  the  Potomac  is  crossing  the  river  at 
Berlin. 


228        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Saturday,  July  iqih  to  Aug.  ist. 

We  march  by  Leesburg,  Manassas  Junction, 
Bristow  Station,  Bealton,  to  Amissville,  picketing 
and  patrolling  as  far  as  Mt.  Washington  and  Thorn 
ton's  Gap.  Lee  is  again  on  the  Rapidan,  Meade 
on  the  line  of  the  Rappahannock,  and  the  Gettys 
burg  Campaign  is  over. 

In  this  campaign,  which  occupied,  starting  with 
June  1 7th  at  Aldie  to  July  i8th  at  Harpers  Ferry, 
one  month,  or  ending  at  Amissville,  when  the 
armies  were  again  at  rest,  Aug.  1st,  six  weeks, 
the  cavalry  of  our  division  marched  two  hundred 
miles  via  Thoroughfare  Gap,  Ashby's  Gap,  Lees- 
burg,  and  Frederick,  before  it  reached  Gettysburg. 

After  it  left  Gettysburg  and  until  it  returned  to 
Harpers  Ferry,  it  marched  twelve  miles  per  day  via 
Chambersburg,  Marion,  Middletown,  Boonsboro, 
and  Shepherdstown.  After  it  left  Harpers  Ferry 
and  until  it  returned  to  the  line  of  the  army  of 
Amissville,  it  marched  via  Manassas,  Leesburg, 
and  Bristow,  one  hundred  miles.  Its  whole 
march  then  in  a  direct  line  was  420  miles.  Count 
ing  now  its  marches  on  picket  and  in  action  as 
eighty  more,  the  miles  marched  are  five  hundred. 

The  march  from  the  Potomac  to  Gettysburg 
occupied  from  Saturday  evening,  9  P.M.,  June  27th, 
to  Thursday,  July  2d,  1 1  A.  M.  Before  it  crossed 
the  Potomac  it  had  been  four  entire  days  in  action, 
alternated  by  picket,  and  had  before  it  a  march  of 
eighty  miles  which  it  accomplished  in  four  days 
and  a  half,  being  at  the  rate  of  a  little  less  than 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        229 

twenty  miles  a  day.  Twelve  miles  a  day  is  a  good 
cavalry  march. 

Our  condition  then  at  Gettysburg  was  as  follows : 
We  had  been  fighting  and  picketing  without  inter 
ruption  for  a  week;  we  had  marched  interruptedly 
about  two  weeks  three  hundred  miles — the  last 
eighty  by  forced  marches.  Supposing  now  the 
condition jDf  the  rest  of  the  corps  to  have  been  the 
same  as  ours,  let  us  see  what  was  done  with 
the  cavalry  and  what  could  have  been  done  with 
it  at  Gettysburg.  I  mean  during  and  after  the 
engagement. 

On  the  29th  of  June  Kilpatrick's  Division  en 
countered  Stuart  at  Hanover  but  did  not  prevent 
his  making  his  way  by  our  right  flank  to  Carlisle. 
On  the  3Oth  he  occupied  the  enemy  at  Emmits- 
burg  Road.  On  the  29th  of  June  and  ist  of  July 
Buford  held  the  enemy  in  check  on  the  Cashtown 
road.  On  the  2d,  he  was  sent  to  Westminster  to 
refit;  afterwards  to  Williamsport.  On  the  2d  and 
3d,  Gregg  encountered  the  enemy  on  his  left  wing; 
on  the  4th,  found  he  had  withdrawn  his  left ;  on 
the  5th  and  6th  pursued  him  to  Marion;  on  the 
6th  halted;  on  the  I4th,  marched  to  Harpers 
Ferry.  Meade  says  in  his  report:  "On  the  morn 
ing  of  the  1 4th,  it  was  discovered  that  the  enemy 
had  retired  the  night  previous  by  a  bridge  at 
Falling  Waters  and  a  ford  at  Williamsport.  .  .  . 
Previous  to  the  retreat  of  the  enemy,  Gregg's 
Division  had  crossed  at  Harpers  Ferry." 

Meade  is  in  error.     Gregg  did  not  leave  Boons- 


230        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

boro  until  the  morning  of  the  I4th,  after  the  enemy 
was  across  and  when  Meade  knew  he  was  across. 
We  crossed  just  one  night  later  than  Lee. 

That  part  of  cavalry  duty  which  was  assigned 
the  cavalry,  discovering  where  the  enemy  was, 
was  well  performed  by  Buford  and  Kilpatrick. 
It  was  also  assigned  them  to  harass  the  enemy  on 
the  right  and  left  flanks,  which  was  done.  Gregg 
was  instructed  to  head  off  Stuart's  advance  on  our 
right.  This  could  not  be  done  on  account  of 
the  trains  in  the  way.  The  cavalry  was  also 
ordered  to  harass  the  enemy's  retreat.  This  was 
also  done. 

By  keeping  Stuart  engaged  in  rear  of  our  infantry 
advance,  it  prevented  his  junction  with  Lee  on  the 
first  day.  That  was  of  immense  value. 

What  more  could  have  been  done  during  the 
action, — or  after  it — to  make  the  victory  decisive 
by  the  timely  use  of  cavalry? 

I  answer,  during  the  engagement  the  cavalry 
did  all  that  was  possible,  acting  as  detached 
divisions,  several  miles  apart  and  on  different 
wings.  But  why  use  them  separately? 

Cavalry  in  all  wars  has  been  most  effective  by 
being  hurled  en  masse  on  the  enemy's  weakest 
point  and  at  the  decisive  moment.  It  is  essentially 
Varm  du  moment  to  be  held  in  reserve  as  such  and 
only  used  in  great  actions  as  such.  Mere  com 
pliance  with  the  elements  of  the  art  of  war  should 
have  caused  Meade  to  concentrate  his  cavalry 
for  use  at  the  right  moment,  when  the  enemy 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        231 

showed  signs  of  wavering.  Besides  that,  what  the 
cavalry  needed  to  be  effective  was  a  day's  rest. 

Suppose  now  that  Kilpatrick,  Buford,  and  Gregg 
had  been  massed  in  the  clover  fields  of  the  Hanover 
road  on  the  morning  of  the  26.  and  held  in  reserve. 
There  was  no  immediate  need  of  the  arm  whatever 
as  against  infantry  and  artillery.  These  arms 
practically  relieved  the  cavalry. 

The  two  armies  occupy  the  slopes  of  parallel 
hills  with  a  level  valley  between,  where  obstacles 
are  already  removed  by  the  tread  of  the  infantry. 
At  three  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  3d,  the  ar 
tillery  of  the  enemy  ceased  firing,  and  his  masses 
are  seen  forming  for  an  assault  on  our  left  and  left 
center.  The  attack  is  made  and  met.  The  enemy 
retires,  leaving  the  field  strewed  with  his  killed 
and  wounded. 

Now  was  the  glorious  opportunity  for  a  Ney,  a 
Ziethen,  Murat,  or  Kellerman  to  have  formed  his 
host  in  column  of  squadrons,  to  have  hurled  them 
down  the  valley  from  their  right,  to  have  descended 
like  an  avalanche  on  Hill's  and  Swell's  retreating 
flank  and  rear,  and  to  have  ended  the  day  with 
peace  to  our  arms. 

It  was  not  to  be.  Pleasanton  was  at  head 
quarters  and  his  division  generals  vainly  essaying 
to  do  separately  what  was  only  feasible  united. 

Now,  the  union  of  these  cavalry  divisions  acting 
in  concert  at  the  critical  moment  of  battle,  under 
three  division  generals  of  reputation,  requires  a 
leader,  who  is  made  of  the  stuff  that  loves  the 


232        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

melee  of  a  charge  as  Ney  did,  at  Waterloo,  or  who  is 
anxious  to  go  with  his  command  far  enough  to  show 
it  its  direction  as  did  Lord  Lucan  at  Balaklava. 
I  have  never  heard  that  Pleasanton  was  ordered  to 
stay  at  headquarters,  or  that  he  was  directed  to 
cut  up  his  force  into  fragments,  and  wear  them  out 
in  fruitless  charges  on  infantry.  It  may  have  been 
that  he  was  so  ordered.  If  he  was,  from  his  pre 
vious  habit,  I  have  no  doubt  the  orders  were 
agreeable  to  him, — throwing  the  execution  on  his 
subordinates  and  directing  them  afar  off. 

But  my  impression  is  that  if  Kilpatrick  or  Bu- 
ford  or  Gregg  had  been  in  chief  command  of  the 
corps,  such  orders  would  not  have  been  given. 
The  corps  would  have  been  concentrated  as  soon 
as  the  contest  was  taken  out  of  cavalry  hands 
by  the  arrival  of  Meade,  rested,  grazed,  shod, 
supplied  and  held  in  reserve  for  use  at  the  decisive 
moment. 

Allowing,  however,  that  the  use  of  cavalry  had 
been  a  mistake  during  the  engagement,  was  not 
the  mistake  reparable  afterwards? 

We  have  seen  that  the  retreat  of  the  Rebel 
Army  was  discovered  on  the  morning  of  the  5th. 
They  retreated  by  the  Fairfield  and  Cashtown 
roads.  Gregg  had  his  division  in  hand.  Why  not 
at  eight  o'clock  hurl  them  forwards  with  directions 
to  ride  down  remorselessly  the  retreating  columns? 
Mclntosh's  Brigade  was  sent  over  the  Fairfield 
road;  ours  on  the  Cashtown.  But  I  received  at 
eight,  orders  to  take  hospitals,  at  ten,  to  move 


The  Gettysburg  Campaign        233 

through  the  town  and  wait  for  the  rest  of  our 
brigade,  and  it  was  not  until  one  o'clock  that  the 
head  of  our  column  moved  out  of  Gettysburg. 
Here  was  a  loss  of  five  hours — enough  for  the  pur 
poses  of  Lee.  This  is  the  first  error  in  the  pursuit. 

We  have  seen  that  we  caught  up  to  the  rear 
guard  on  the  evening  of  the  6th  at  Brown's  Mills, 
under  circumstances  most  favorable  for  the  attack 
of  a  moderately  strong  force,  and  that  Gregg 
turned  aside  to  Chambersburg  and  abandoned  the 
pursuit.  That  he  was  not  perhaps  adequately 
supported  was  owing  to  the  absence  of  the  two 
other  divisions.  Why  were  not  they  supporting 
one  another's  advance?  Pleasanton  did  not  so 
order  them. 

But  I  cannot  esteem  this  absence  as  an  excuse 
for  not  attacking  Fitz-Hugh  Lee.  The  force  that 
entered  Chambersburg  was  still  large  and  effective 
and  in  good  fighting  trim,  as  much  encouraged  to 
fight  and  pursue  as  the  enemy  was  disheartened 
and  demoralized.  When  I  rejoined  the  main  body, 
I  was  asked  whether  I  had  destroyed  the  caissons 
and  cannon.  I  answered  "no,"  and  a  detachment 
was  ordered  up  to  spike  the  guns.  I  judged  from 
that,  that  Gregg  still  believed  there  was  great 
danger  of  the  enemy's  returning.  If  so,  his  turning 
aside  is  sufficiently  explained.  This  is  the  second 
error  of  the  pursuit. 

Again  Lee  crossed  on  the  night  of  the  I3th-i4th 
of  July.  On  the  nth,  Saturday,  we  were  at 
Boonsboro  refitted  and  reinforced. 


234        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Capable  of  crossing  at  Harpers  Ferry  to  inter 
cept  Lee's  advance,  across  a  swollen  river  by  a 
bridge  at  Falling  Waters  and  a  ford  at  Williams- 
port,  we  were  not  ordered  to  cross  until  the 
evening  of  the  I4th  and  then  it  was  too  late.  But 
the  Qth  was  sufficient  to  have  rested,  and  had  we 
been  pushed  forward  it  was  possible  to  have 
crossed  on  the  loth,  in  time  to  have  prevented 
even  the  erection  of  a  bridge.  This  is  the  third 
error  of  the  pursuit. 

It  is  possible  that  if  these  errors  had  not  been 
committed,  and  the  lost  opportunity  been  taken 
advantage  of,  Lee's  generalship  would  have 
invented  a  way  out ;  still,  when  it  is  considered  that 
on  the  proper  handling  of  the  cavalry  after  this 
action  depended  the  close  or  continuance  of  the 
war,  with  its  attendant  miseries,  for  another  year 
and  a  half,  it  is  mournful  to  think  of  the  force  of 
a  magnificent  cavalry  corps  being  frittered  away 
and  checked  just  long  enough  to  enable  the  prize 
to  escape;  that  possibility  was  never  tested. 


CHAPTER  X 
THE   CAPITAL   IN    1864— A   DIARY 

Washington,  D.  C.,  June  jo,  1864.  The  astute 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  whom  the  Herald  calls 
"Mephistopheles,"  Gurowski,  ''a  pompous  and 
passive  patriot,"  and  Wall  Street/'  the  father  of 
greenbacks,  "hasresigned.  TheStar  says  from  some 
dispute  between  him  and  the  President  last  night 
Chase  wanted  Field  and  Lincoln  some  one  else  to 
be  Sub-Treasurer  at  New  York.  The  story  on  the 
street  runs  that  Chase  offered  with  great  dignity 
to  resign,  since  he  was  so  treated,  and  the  Presi 
dent  answered,"  Well,  Mr.  Secretary,  then  I  must 
get  along  without  you. "  This  morning  Chase  was 
placed  before  the  Senate  Committee  and  testified 
concerning  his  past  conduct  and  future  plans. 
All  this  while  the  name  of  Governor  Todd  of  Ohio 
was  in  the  committee's  hands.  That  when  he 
reached  home  he  was  dismayed  and  confounded 
to  find  the  acceptance  of  his  resignation  on  the 
table. 

I  am  puzzled  how  much  to  believe  of  this  story 
about  quarrelling  over  appointments.  It  may  be 
the  pretext,  but  it  is  not  the  cause.  Men  do  not 
dismiss  important  officers  on  such  grounds,  neither 

235 


236        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

do  ambitious  men  jump  from  the  top  round  of  the 
ladder  on  account  of  a  petty  quarrel.  I  incline  to 
the  opinion:  (i)  that  Chase's  opinion  of  Lincoln  has 
never  been  very  high,  and  he  has  let  that  escape 
him;  (2)  Seward  and  Blair  have  been  undermining 
him;  (3)  Chase  is  disappointed  at  Lincoln's 
nomination.  These  things  have  made  bad  blood. 
(4)  the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  whether 
owing  to  the  speculators'  or  Chase's  policy,  has 
hurt  him  in  public  esteem. 

The  Tribune  says: "We  would  support  General 
Fremont  quite  as  willingly  as  Mr.  Lincoln,  if  he 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  anti-slavery  host,  which  he 
does  not. "  The  Times  is  now  the  only  administra 
tion  paper  in  New  York. 

Evening.  Gold  is  quoted  at  2.48.  Colonel 
H.  raves  about  Chase's  bad  treatment  and  declares 
him  the  only  living  financier.  Robert  J.  Walker 
next  best.  Boutwell  thinks  the  dispute  only 
personal  and  believes  Congress  will  not  delay 
adjourning.  Rumors  of  Stanton's  resignation. 
The  Star  is  a  great  advocate  of  the  War  Secretary. 
People  are  beginning  to  understand  that  Stanton 
does  not  care  for  his  office,  sacrifices  money  by 
staying  in,  and  is  far  too  independent  to  care  how 
many  enemies  he  makes. 

II  P.  M.  Rumor  that  Chase  will  be  restored. 
Met  Blair  taking  his  children  walking  on  the 
avenue  as  unconcerned  as  if  his  name  were  not 
mentioned  by  a  thousand  tongues  in  connection 
with  the  resignation  of  Chase. 


The  Capital  in  1864  237 

Washington,  July  i,  1864.  Anniversary  of 
Reynolds 's  death  and  opening  of  Gettysburg  under 
Buford.  The  affairs  of  the  Republic  are  less  criti 
cal,  not  more  prosperous  than  a  year  ago. 

The  Chronicle  declares  the  non-acceptance  of 
Governor  Todd.  Sensible  man.  There  is  no 
glory  in  patching  up  finance.  The  paper  de 
precates  quarrels  between  men  in  high  places  and 
veers  around  to  the  restoration  of  Chase.  Order 
of  Stanton  forbidding  information  in  the  Depart 
ment  to  outsiders. 

Senate  confirmed  appointments  in  Invalid 
Corps.  Captain  Todd  has  justice  done  him,  and 
made  Major  of  6Qth  New  York.  Better  late  than 
never.  More  badly  wounded  officers  than  ever 
coming  in.  It  is  nothing  now  to  have  four  balls 
lodged  in  the  body.  Grant  evidently  conceals  his 
losses.  Officers  tell  me  complimentary  orders 
have  been  published  by  Meade  and  Sheridan  to 
brigades  and  regiments,  but  no  mention  of  them 
in  the  newspapers.  Lee  has  his  match  in  reticence, 
at  least. 

Heard  a  lady  say  Grant  meets  the  same  obstacles 
as  McClellan,  with  no  more  success,  but  greater 
determination.  Thought  the  observation  just. 

I  am  glad  to  see  the  New  Yorkers  appreciate  the 
real  wants  of  the  army  and  are  going  to  send  a 
cargo  of  onions  as  a  4th  of  July  present.  Fresh 
vegetables  in  warm  weather  are  better  than  the 
Surgeon-General's  Department.  I  remember  how 
the  cavalry  used  to  envy  the  horses  the  grass  they 


238        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

cropped,  last  July  1st.  Received  a  letter  from  a 
corporal  who  served  with  me  last  summer  and 
enlisted  in  the  Pennsylvania  Volunteers,  in  the 
front,  complaining  of  their  want  of  organization. 
The  officers  remain  uncommissioned  because  there 
is  a  disagreement  between  Stan  ton  and  Curtin. 
Consequently,  no  quartermaster  or  commissary 
and  no  supplies.  The  trouble  is  an  old  one. 
This  power  should  be  in  Grant  or  Stanton  who 
cannot  make  a  corporal  or  lieutenant  except 
among  the  regulars. 

Grant  should  be  able  to  reward  as  well  as  punish. 
Vallandigham's  connection  with  Morgan's  raid 
appears  fully  believed  by  Governor  Bramlette,  in 
his  correspondence  with  Governor  Morton  of  Ohio. 

Yesterday  Stevens  upheld  the  dignity  of  the 
House  by  offering  a  resolution  that  the  action  of  the 
Senate  in  returning  the  Enrollment  Act,  with 
amendment,  imposing  a  tax  on  imports,  was  a 
violation  of  the  privileges  of  the  house,  which 
resolution  was  sent  to  the  Senate. 

Washington,  July  2,  1864.  All  quiet  at  Peters 
burg.  Grant's  headquarters  are  at  City  Point. 
He  seems  to  be  certain  of  his  base  and  determines 
to  stay  where  he  is,  which  is  the  vital  difference 
between  him  and  McClellan.  General  Dix  and 
staff  were  arrested  yesterday  and  brought  before 
Judge  Russell,  charged  with  suppression  of  The 
World  and  Journal  of  Commerce.  I  presume  they 
will  plead  the  Indemnity  Act  and  the  constitution 
ality  of  the  law  will  be  settled. 


The  Capital  in  1864  239 

10  A.  M.  Fessenden  has  not  yet  made  up  his 
mind.  Gold  closed  yesterday  at  2.25,  a  decline 
of  fifty-seven  from  the  highest  point.  I  hear 
many  speculations  concerning  Chase's  future. 

About  his  going  to  run  for  Senator from  Ohio, 

and  about  his  going  into  business  with  Jay  Cooke 
&  Co.  The  Herald  is  enthusiastic  over  his  fall 
and  says,  "The  happy  family  is  broken  up." 

July  2d.  Fessenden  was  offered  the  portfolio 
of  the  Treasury  and  declines.  He  says  his  vaca 
tion  is  barely  sufficient  to  enable  him  to  recover 
from  the  fatigues  of  the  sessions.  He  would  be 
obliged  to  give  up  in  a  month.  Still  an  immense 
pressure  is  brought  on  the  Senator  from  Maine. 
In  New  York,  gold  went  down  from  2.50  to  2.20. 
On  hearing  of  his  appointment  Ashman  stopped 
the  President's  carriage  at  the  head  of  Colonel 
Taylor's  funeral  cortege  and  talked  Fessenden. 
The  claims  of  Boutwell  are  urged,  but  President 
objects.  Fessenden  slept  on  the  matter.  I  trust 
he  will  decline,  though  he  has  been  ten  years 
Chairman  of  Finance. 

Much  talk  and  little  work  in  Congress.  Brown's 
amendment  providing  for  return  of  States  in 
insurrection  carried  by  17  to  16.  It  provides  for 
the  recognition  of  these  States  as  soon  as  they  have 
returned  to  allegiance  by  the  President's  proclama 
tion.  The  gold  bill  is  quietly  repealed. 

July  2d.  The  military  authorities  beginning 
to  clean  out  the  Augean  stables  of  this  city.  The 
Military  Governor  issues  orders  to  remove  all  filth 


240        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

from  streets  and  tenements.  It  is  easy  to  see  that 
the  city  should  be  cleaned  but  not  so  easy  to 
comprehend  that  the  Military  Governor  command 
or  punish  citizens  for  neglect.  The  weather  is 
exceedingly  warm  and  sultry,  and  the  Government 
ambulance  and  trains  roll  up  an  unbroken  cloud 
of  dust. 

A  notable  feature  on  the  streets  of  the  capital 
is  the  female  Government  employees;  especially 
the  Treasury  girls.  They  are  generally  young 
and  of  good  families — for  it  takes  some  influence 
to  get  into  a  department.  There  are  many  black 
sheep  among  them,  however.  They  get  $600  a 
year  which  is  little  when  board  is  hard  to  get  at 
$30  per  month,  and  an  ordinary  room  costs  $20 
per  month. 

6  P.  M.  July  2d.  Fessenden  is  tacitly  the  new 
secretary.  I  hope  he  will  meet  the  issues  of 
finance  with  more  decision  and  directness  than  he 
has  his  appointment.  The  greatness  of  events 
appears  to  dwarf  our  men  and  power,  for  they 
display  personal  weaknesses  which  the  quiet 
stupefaction  of  former  administrations  had  not 
brought  out.  The  New  York  papers  still  adrift 
on  the  great  reason  of  Chase's  resignation.  The 
Times  holds  that  Lincoln  found  it  time  to  get  rid 
of  insubordinate  subordinates.  The  Herald  natur 
ally  inclines  to  an  explanation  which  presumes 
an  intrigue  and  cuts  the  Blairs.  The  Tribune 
denies  the  theory  of  the  Times  but  sets  up  none 
of  its  own.  The  Truth  is  a  Commissioner — says 


The  Capital  in  1864  241 

"Chase  has  always  had  the  most  contemptible 
opinion  of  Lincoln  and  been  fearless  in  expressing 
it."  It  was  long  ago  desired  to  be  rid  of  him. 
The  renomination  of  Lincoln  gave  the  opportunity, 
and  the  quarrel  about  Cisco,  the  pretext. 

Chase  is  right  at  last.  He  has  long  eaten  humble 
pie.  He  has  had  to  fight  the  bitter  fight  of  having 
more  responsibility  than  authority.  It  is  all 
right.  The  record  of  the  minister  is  clear. 

Sunday,  July  jd.  Last  night  a  final  session. 
Rumors  of  a  general  assault  on  Petersburg. 
It  is  supposed  that  true  to  the  superstitions  of  the 
army  and  the  national  feeling  Grant  will  not  allow 
the  4th  to  go  by  without  an  effort. 

Monday.  No  news  from  Grant.  Excitement 
in  Washington.  Sigel  is  driven  to  Harpers 
Ferry.  Raids  and  the  capture  of  Washington 
talked  about. 

July  4th.  A  great  carnival.  The  colored  people 
celebrate  a  picnic  in  the  President's  grounds.  A 
stranger  would  imagine  himself  in  the  palace 
gardens  of  Soulouque  of  Hayti.  Negroes  in  hacks, 
with  standards  on  gayly-caparisoned  horses,  and 
generally  in  the  costume  of  the  Southern  aristo 
cracy.  Their  new  freedom  is  naturally  driven  to 
excess.  In  time  they  will  take  their  proper  posi 
tion  as  humble  citizens — at  present  they  are 
extravagant  freedmen. 

I  hear  that  Forney  is  steering  for  the  Senate, 
while  he  pretends  to  support  Cameron,  who  keeps 
canvassing  the  State  against  Curtin.  Mr.  Ket- 

16 


242        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

chum  declares  that  the  Republican  party  in  Penn 
sylvania  is  discouraged  by  the  squabble  between 
Curtin  and  Cameron,  and  the  young  men,  seeing 
no  hope,  refuse  to  work.  He  is  doubtful  about 
Pennsylvania  next  fall.  We  will  see. 

Why  cannot  the  young  blood  drive  the  fossils 
out  of  office?  Because  young  blood  only  rules  in 
resolutions,  not  in  managing. 

Chronicle  compares  the  situation  of  Grant  with 
his  situation  before  Richmond  and  finds  many 
analogies. 

Josiah  Quincy,  the  Nestor  of  American  politics, 
is  dead. 

There  has  been  an  affair  of  honor.  Miss  B 

is  engaged  to  Captain  M —  —  regular  infantry,  and 
goes  walking  in  street  with  her  sister  in  the  evening. 
She  flirts  with  an  officer  and  he  desires  to  walk  with 
her.  She  declines  the  honor  and  calls  papa. 
Papa  arrives  and  threatens  lieutenant.  Next  day 
lieutenant  and  captain  meet  at  Willard's  and 
captain  demands  apology.  Lieutenant  refuses. 
Captain  calls  him  coward.  Lieutenant  draws 
pistols  and  captain  snaps  lieutenant,  cowhides 
lieutenant,  kicks  him  out  doors,  and  lieutenant 
is  dismissed  from  the  service.  Captain  reports 
to  Miss  B and  is  the  hero  of  town. 

Every  one  seems  to  have  a  great  disposition  to 
enjoy  the  day,  yet  to  be  doubtful  of  the  propriety. 
There  is  no  enthusiasm  or  abandonment.  The 
critical  position  of  the  army,  the  last  day  of  Con 
gress,  the  multitude  of  hearses  and  wounded  seem 


The  Capital  in   1864  243 

to  throw  a  restraint  around  the  pleasure,  although 
the  weather  is  superb. 

Truly  there  is  not  much  to  rejoice  over  that  is 
associated  with  the  day.  On  this  fatal  day  one 
year  ago,  Meade  suffered  the  Phcenix  Lee  to 
arise  from  his  ashes  and  fired  not  a  gun,  made  not 
a  reconnoissance.  But  Grant  and  Vicksburg  shed 
a  new  glory  on  the  date  last  year.  I  trust  we  shall 
hear  to-morrow. 

The  blacks  are  right.  They  and  they  alone, 
freed  by  accident,  have  lost  nothing  and  gained 
everything. 

I  read  the  report  of  the  committee — Wade  and 
Gooch — on  the  Fort  Pillow  Massacre  and  the 
treatment  of  prisoners  at  Belle  Isle.  It  is  horrible, 
atrocious.  History  records  no  instances  of  such 
deliberate  ferocity.  They  kill  wounded  negroes  in 
bed  because  they  are  Yankee  property  and  there 
fore  to  be  destroyed.  They  freeze  and  starve 
prisoners  as  a  joke.  Let  Lincoln  send  ~a  copy  of 
this  book  to  every  home.  It  is  better  than  the 
draft,  or  his  greenbacks.  These  men  were  once 
our  brethren. 

The  lobbyists  are  counting  up  their  gains.  I 
know  a  gentleman  who  got  $2500  for  the  whiskey 
bill.  A  judge  who  came  here  from  New  York  got 
$100,000.  Qucere — Which  is  worst,  to  sell  one's 
influence  or  to  sell  one's  vote?  There  are  plenty 
uncensured  who  do  the  last.  These  fellows  are 
really  dexterous.  They  get  men  in  possession  of 
the  floor,  have  bills  offered  to  committees, — get 


244        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

them  reported  on, — manage  the  whole  assembly 
by  pressure  at  the  proper  moment  on  the  right 
spot. 

It  is  a  most  interesting  phenomenon  to  notice 
the  dignity  assumed  by  these  freedmen.  They 
address  one  another  as  Mr.  and  Miss,  though  only 
servants.  The  women  carry  parasols  and  lean 
on  one  another's  arms  and  kiss  one  another  as 
Court  dames.  The  barbers  and  waiters  sport 
ivory-headed  canes.  White  people  laugh,  some 
swear,  and  most  think  we  are  in  a  revolution  and 
every  miracle  is  natural.  Amidst  the  fun  I  saw 
groups  of  contrabands  in  butternut  sitting  in 
melancholy  mood  along  the  curbstone,  as  if  they 
thought  themselves  an  inferior  order  of  negro. 

July  $th.  Grant  has  not  taken  Petersburg,  or 
we  should  have  the  news. 

Ewell  is  reported  in  Pennsylvania,  in  three  col 
umns,  as  last  year.  The  weather  is  magnificent 
for  a  hurried  ride  into  the  rich  meadows  and  grain 
fields  of  the  Cumberland  valley;  and  if  Sigel 
remains  at  Harpers  Ferry  there  is  nothing  in  his 
way  or  in  his  rear. 

The  Alabama  sunk  off  Cherbourg  by  the  Kear- 
sarge.  A  magnificent  fight.  And  a  good  name 
Winslow  for  the  victor.  Welles  did  one  sensible 
act  by  making  him  a  commodore  at  once.  What 
will  the  Herald  have  to  say  now  against  the  old 
man  of  the  sea  ?  Much  regret  is  expressed  in  true, 
extravagant,  unsatisfied  American  style,  that  the 
Deerhound  was  allowed  to  pick  up  the  survivors. 


The  Capital  in  1864  245 

Little  life  lost  for  a  naval  action.  I  presume 
Semmes  is  the  lion  of  Paris.  He  would  be  of 
Washington  if  he  were  here. 

July  6th.  Mrs.  General  Wadsworth  in  town. 
She  and  her  son  Craig,  who  has  just  come  from 
the  army,  after  doing  brave  things,  are  off  for 
home  this  morning.  She  is  much  broken  by  the 
shock  of  the  General's  death,  but  calmer  than 
expected.  The  Wadsworth  family  at  least  have 
made  their  sacrifice.  It  is  too  much  to  ask  that 
the  widow  of  the  General,  while  mourning  for  him, 
should  be  farther  distressed  by  grieving  about  her 
son. 

They  are  stopping  at  "Wormleys',"  the  rich 
negro  on  I  Street.  How  much  the  negroes  of 
this  city  owe  to  him. 

Lincoln  issues  a  proclamation  proclaiming  mar 
tial  law  in  Kentucky.  The  paper  recites  the  whole 
history  of  the  rebellion  and  looks  too  apologetic 
to  be  dignified.  Why  specially  in  Kentucky? 

Curtin  also  calls  for  12,000  one-hundred-day 
men  to  defend  Washington  and  vicinity.  He  says 
he  calls  pursuant  to  a  requisition  from  Lincoln, 
and  at  the  same  time  remarks  that  the  enemy  is 
taking  advantage  of  Grant's  uncovering  Washing 
ton  to  invade  Pennsylvania.  Fessenden  is  finally 
sworn  in  and  Chase  silences  slanderous  tongues  by 
introducing  him  in  person  to  the  auditors,  etc. 
He,  Chase,  is  the  first  American  who  voluntarily 
retired  from  great  power.  No  one  in  America  has 
yet  stepped  from  such  a  height.  All  presidents 


246        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

and  secretaries  have  been  of  feeble  influence  in 
comparison  with  this  President  and  Cabinet. 

July  6th.  The  report  of  John  Winslow,  Captain 
of  the  Kearsarge  published.  Three  men  badly 
wounded.  The  report  is  modest  as  if  he  was 
unconscious  of  being  a  hero. 

The  Paris  Correspondent,  "  Americus,"  says  that 
Semmes  was  ordered  out  by  Dayton  (through  the 
French  authorities)  and  that  the  Alabama  was 
known  to  be  lost  if  she  engaged  the  Kearsarge. 
Therefore  Semmes  wished  to  get  out  of  the  scrape 
with  a  good  grace  and  sent  the  challenge.  I  had 
rather  it  were  otherwise.  The  English  seem 
much  galled  by  the  sinking  of  their  craft.  The 
absence  of  Government  and  their  followers  is 
plainly  visible  in  the  greater  stillness  of  the 
avenue  and  hotels. 

Read  a  speech  of  Senator  Foot  on  the  state  of 
the  country.  It  is  an  adaptation  of  one  of  Pat. 
Henry's  speeches  to  the  crises.  These  are  some 
fine  contracts,  "Negotiate?  With  whom?  Com 
promise?  What?  Etc."  It  is  eloquent  and  will 
do  good  to  upset  the  maudlin  cry  about  expense 
and  loss  of  life. 

July  ?th.  Some  enthusiasts  at  Philadelphia  are 
holding  a  conference  to  introduce  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution,  acknowledging  "  Almighty  God 
as  the  source  of  all  authority  and  power  in  Civil 
Government,  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  as  the  Gov 
ernor  among  the  nations,  and  his  revealed  will  as 
the  supreme  Law  of  the  Land."  Jefferson  and 


The  Capital  in  1864  247 

the  lawyers  who  framed  the  instrument  understood 
codes  and  constitutions.  We  are  not  a  Theocracy. 
I  trust  they  will  let  this  poor  Magna  Charta  first 
get  safe  over  the  rebellion. 

Smothering,  murky  weather.  Curtin  issues 
another  proclamation  for  12,000.  The  papers 
filled  with  rumors  of  the  Rebel  advance.  Some 
place  them  at  Middletown.  The  operator  leaves 
Frederick.  No  news  from  Grant.  No  excitement 
about  the  Rebel  raid  here.  It  has  got  to  be  an  oft 
told  tale  of  incursions,  depredations,  and  retreat. 
Reports  of  the  Alabama  fight  from  the  English 
and  French  newspapers  coming  in.  France  is 
much  fairer  than  England.  I  think  the  French 
hatred  for  per  fide  Albion  and  exultation  over  her 
naval  discomfiture  is  visible  in  the  Moniteur.  The 
Times  (London)  asks  "Why  did  Semmes  fight 
against  unfair  odds?"  and  dwells  with  ludicrous 
pathos  (to  us  war-used  Americans)  upon  the  honor 
of  a  fight  on  Sunday  when  London  was  at  church. 
The  Star  (London)  is  always  exultant  at  the 
Federal  success  against  a  cowardly  craft.  The 
Manchester  Examiner  declares  the  Alabama  has 
"sown  a  legacy  of  distrust  and  of  future  appre 
hensions  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic. "  Probably, 
England  has  fatally  committed  herself  to  the 
South.  Her  chastisement  is  a  mere  matter  of 
time.  All  our  papers  are  aglow.  If  Grant  had 
whipped  Lee  on  the  Bois  de  Boulogne  the  specula 
tions  could  not  be  greater. 

Saturday,  July  gth.     The  President  issues  pro- 


248        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

clamation  for  prayer  on  the  first  Thursday  in 
August.  Another,  stating  that  he  is  unwilling  to 
commit  himself  to  any  form  of  reconstruction 
under  the  act  passed  by  Congress  last  session. 
This  afternoon  news  that  the  Rebels  have 
Frederick.  Howe  succeeded  Sigel  yesterday. 
Wallace  seems  to  be  beaten  back.  There  has  been 
much  contemptuous  indifference  to  this  raid. 
Certainly  the  force  must  be  large  if  they  are  the 
advance  guard.  If  the  main  body  is  scattered 
as  this  force  appears,  it  is  not  dangerous.  A  body 
of  Army  of  Potomac  Cavalry  (the  dismounted  men 
of  Torbet's  Division  who  were  mounted  to-day) 
pass  through  as  I  am  writing.  No  news  from 
Grant  except  that  he  is  encroaching  and  getting 
his  heavy  guns  in  position  for  an  assault.  The 
Herald  wants  the  Government  to  make  an  instant 
demand  for  Semmes  on  the  British  Government. 
I  hear  Stanton  says  the  reason  of  our  falling  back 
and  not  knowing  the  exact  force  of  the  Rebels  is 
the  personal  cowardice  of  Sigel.  I  presume  he  was 
made  timid  by  his  large  wagon  train.  Shall  we 
repeat  Antietam  and  Gettysburg? 

Tuesday,  July  loth.  The  raid  culminates  in  an 
invasion.  Wallace  is  driven  back  from  Monocacy. 
Baltimore  is  frightened  as  Richmond  during  the 
Kilpatrick  raid,  and  Washington  is  at  last  waking 
up  from  the  apathy  which  is  become  the  fashion 
and  which  is  an  affectation  of  coolness  very  differ 
ent  from  the  genuine  sentiment.  From  the 
million  rumors  the  following  may  be  selected  as 


The  Capital  in  1864  249 

more  credible  than  the  rest.  Wallace  announces 
the  number  of  Rebels  at  20,000.  A  proclamation 
issued  by  Governor  Bradford  of  Maryland  saying, 
' '  come  in  your  leagues  or  come  in  militia  companies 
— but  come  in  crowds  and  come  quickly. " 

The  War  Department  is  sending  troops  toward 
the  north,— cavalry,  infantry,  artillery.  None  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  has  yet  passed  through 
this  city.  The  veteran  reserves  are  passing  out  of 
town.  The  latest  rumor  was  that  the  enemy's 
cavalry  was  at  Rockville  and  Poolesville  in  all 
directions  about  town. 

Washington  certainly  appears  more  closely 
harassed  than  ever  before.  Yesterday  many 
ex-officers  offered  their  services  to  Stanton.  He 
sends  them  to  Augur  and  Augur  says  he  doesn't 
know.  It  reminds  me  of  Orestes  Brownson's 
remark,  "If  you  want  to  get  your  enthusiasm 
knocked  out  of  you,  go  to  Washington  and  talk  to 
the  President  or  to  the  members  of  his  Cabinet. " 
Routine  gives  en  husiasm  the  cramps. 

July  nth.  The  army  is  reported  nearer,  and  the 
excitement  is  growing.  This  morning  a  woman 
came  in  and  reports  skirmishing  at  "Chrystal 
Springs,"  about  two  miles  north  of  the  city.  At 
nine  o'clock  a  few  distant  cannon  shots  were  heard. 
The  mail-carrier  to  Rockville  is  positive  that  a 
strong  force  of  cavalry  is  at  that  town.  Members 
of  cavalry  report  that  Grant  knew  of  the  intended 
raid,  twenty  thousand  having  disappeared  from 
his  front,  and  notified  old  Abe  to  look  out  for  them. 


250        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Curtin  issues  another  proclamation  upbraiding  the 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania  for  not  coming  forward. 
There  are  more  teams  and  soldiers  about  than  I 
have  seen  since  the  second  battle  of  Bull  Run. 
The  veterans  are  going  into  the  forts  and  the 
quartermaster  clerks  take  their  places.  We  have 
generals  enough  here  now:  Augur,  Doubleday, 
and  Gillmore. 

What  a  pity  Congress  has  adjourned.  It  would 
be  pleasant  to  note  the  blustering  of  the  opposition 
cast  down.  No  business.  All  suspended.  It  is 
now  certain  that  Ricketts's  Division  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  is  in  Maryland  and  about  Frederick. 
The  Rebels  have  never  been  sent  back  except  by 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac — neither  will  these  be. 

ii  A.  M.  More  excitement,  and  a  shower  as  an 
antidote.  It  appears  that  the  defenses  of  Wash 
ington,  on  the  north,  are  commanded  by  McCork, 
and  that  our  rifle-pits  are  manned.  The  President 
passed  here  this  morning,  escorted  by  a  detach 
ment  of  8th  Illinois  Cavalry,  on  his  way  north  to 
inspect  the  situation.  The  Florida  appears  in 
Chesapeake  Bay,  and  to  finish  the  confusion  we 
have  a  fire  in  town. 

4  P.  M.,  July  nth.  "Hextry  Staar.  Second 
Edition.  Great  Battle  at  Seventh  Street"  is 
the  newsboys'  cry.  The  paper  says  our  troops 
have  been  attacked  at  Fort  Massachusetts,  with 
what  truth  it  is  impossible  to  say.  I  have  seen 
some  of  the  quartermaster's  employees  under  arms. 
They  take  it  moderately.  The  only  visible  sign, 


The  Capital  in  1864  251 

except  the  newspaper  boys,  of  excitement,  is  the 
rapid  gait  at  which  men  gallop  through  the  streets. 
This  is  an  affectation  of  business  which  I  noticed 
many  officers  assume  after  the  second  battle  of 
Bull  Run.  It  is  not  exactly  hypocrisy  but  a 
feeling  that  in  an  emergency  one  ought  to  seem 
to  be  doing  great  things,  even  if  accomplish 
ing  nothing  whatever.  News  is  scarce,  rumors 
abundant. 

10  P.  M.  Light  out  of  darkness.  The  greater 
part  of  Lee's  Army  is  in  front  of  Washington  and 
have  attacked  us  at  Tennallytown  and  Fort  Mas 
sachusetts  beyond  Seventh  Street.  The  signal  offi 
cers  of  our  army  state  that  the  troops  of  the  Rebels 
stretch  as  far  as  the  eye  and  glass  can  reach,  until 
where  they  are  hidden  by  the  dust  they  raise. 
Men  of  the  cavalry,  New  York  and  Massachusetts, 
have  been  killed.  I  saw  about  twenty  Rebel  pris 
oners  taken  down  the  avenue.  Some  were  dressed 
in  butternut,  some  as  enfants  perdus,  but  all  had 
some  United  States  clothing.  All  railroad  and 
telegraph  communication  is  cut  off.  General 
Blair's  and  Governor  Bradford's  mansions  burned. 
An  attack  in  force  is  expected  during  the  night. 
They  would  be  fools  if  they  waited. 

Senator  Sumner  stood  talking  a  long  time  to  my 
neighbor  Hodge,  evidently  not  quite  easy.  Surely 
the  conflict  commenced  on  his  skull,  he  ought  not 
to  mind  a  siege.  Grovers  Theater  in  blast  vive 
la  joie !  Everybody  wonders  why  the  citizens 
are  not  called  out  in  force.  An  ordnance  officer 


252        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

tells  me  the  reason  is,  there  are  no  arms  here. 
Distant  cannonading  at  intervals. 

The  city  still  survives  and  men  feel  relieved. 
The  weather  is  intensely  hot.  There  appears  to 
be  continual  skirmishing,  however.  I  met  a  clerk 
who  just  came  in  from  the  front  this  morning  who 
said  he  saw  eleven  dead  carried  back  on  Seventh 
Street.  Last  night  about  twelve  a  messenger  came 
and  said  the  Sixth  Corps  was  lying  stretched  across 
Seventh  Street ;  that  the  camp-fires  of  the  Rebels 
were  distinctly  visible,  that  a  few  shells  fell  inside  of 
our  lines,  and  all  citizens  were  ordered  back.  Took 
a  walk  down  the  avenue  this  morning.  There  are 
few  people  on  the  pavement,  but  more  than  usual 
on  the  street.  No  butter  in  market  but  plenty 
of  cattle  driven  in  to  escape  the  raid  and  offered 
for  sale.  Noticed  this  morning  in  The  Chronicle 
that  Major-General  George  Thomas  calls  out  the 
militia  and  Brigadier-General  Grocer  Bacon  is  to 
command  them !  Went  into  the  grocery,  but  no 
headquarters  visible.  Asked  Bacon's  brother 
where  headquarters  were;  answered,  "Damned 
if  I  know." 

Augur  don't  know.  Nobody  knows.  Bacon 
more  intent  on  weighing  out  sugar  than  shells. 
Things  seem  to  go  on  as  usual.  Met  Colonel 
Higgins  of  the  86th  N.  Y.,  just  mustered  out  with 
a  crooked  leg  and  ball  through  his  breast.  He  is 
one  of  the  few  I  have  met  who  refuses  to  accept  a 
pension  in  the  Invalid  Corps,  as  long  as  he  can 
make  a  living  by  his  own  exertions.  It  seems 


The  Capital  in  1864  253 

Major-General  Franklin  was  captured  on  the  cars 
on  his  way  to  Washington. 

July  1 2th,  J.jo  P.  M.  Heavy  cannonading 
to  the  north  of  the  city  is  heard  here  with  great 
distinctness.  The  newsboys  coining  money  over 
the  excitement.  The  firing  seems  to  be  veering 
from  northeast  to  northwest.  Rumor  has  the 
engagement  at  Fort  Lincoln,  which  is  near  Bladens- 
burg  and  commands  the  northern  chain  of  forts. 
The  city  shows  no  signs  of  alarm,  except  being 
subdued  as  children  in  a  thunderstorm,  listening 
and  waiting  for  the  issue.  It  seems  funny  to 
hear  the  rumbling  of  street  cars  mixed  with  the 
rumbling  of  hostile  cannon,  the  one  of  pleasure 
and  business,  the  other  of  death  and  agony.  But 
America  is  getting  French  and  shouts '  'laissez-faire. ' ' 
This  is  the  second  time  the  people  of  Washington 
have  heard  the  enemy's  guns, — the  first  being  at 
Centerville  during  the  Bull  Run  battle.  The 
firing  is  one  shot  every  two  seconds. 

Rumor  that  Lincoln  has  been  wounded. 

July  1 2th,  4  P.  M.  At  2.30,  a  division  of  the 
Sixth  Corps  marched  up  the  avenue,  evidently 
just  from  Petersburg.  Oh,  how  delighted  these 
fellows  were.  How  well  I  could  understand  their 
joy  at  again  seeing  houses  and  citizens,  shops  and 
women.  The  Treasury  employees  cheered  them 
enthusiastically.  The  cannonading  has  ceased.  At 
three  we  had  a  fine  rain  which  has  cooled  the  earth. 
The  result  of  the  action  I  have  not  yet  heard. 

Saw  Dr.    M—  ,   the  Secessionist   whom  I  once 


254        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

arrested  for  cruelty  to  Federal  wounded  during 
McClellan's  campaign,  drive  by  Willard's  with  his 
negro,  looking  very  happy.  It  is  amusing  to  see 
shoemakers  hammering,  clerks  copying,  lawyers 
pleading,  and  ladies  shopping  while  the  shells  are 
flying  over  our  northern  forts.  Sang-froid  is 
getting  fashionable.  The  prevalent  theory  now 
is  that  Early  is  closely  harassing  the  city  while 
the  main  body  is  plundering  undisturbed. 

July  ijth.  Early  has  gone — the  Sixth  Corps 
had  no  chance  to  drive  him — taking  with  him 
droves  of  cattle.  The  city  breathes  free  again. 
The  siege  is  over. 

The  underwriters  breathe  safe  and  the  navy  is 
vindicated.  Pennsylvania  is  truly  alarmed,  for 
Couch  reports  six  thousand  cavalry  on  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  opposite  Williamsport.  The 
Gettysburg  celebration  was  spoiled  by  it.  But 
Sigel  is  safe  at  Harpers  Ferry.  Poor  Sigel!  A 
treble  failure  would  ruin  Alexander. 

Governor  Reeder  of  Easton,  who  might  have 
been  the  ranking  general  of  the  army  if  he  had 
accepted  Cameron's  offer,  is  dead.  How  different 
the  whole  face  of  affairs  might  be  had  he  taken 
McClellan's  place. 

The  peace  Democracy  held  a  meeting  at  the 
West  Capitol  grounds,  and  wanted  us  to  ' '  Meet  the 
South  afar  off,  and  kill  the  fatted  calf. "  Cox  said 
the  adjournment  was ' '  the  only  wise  thing  Congress 
had  yet  done.  The  rest  was  all  for  the  blacks. " 
A  poem  was  delivered  on  "The  Old  Capitol. " 


CHAPTER  XI 
CONSPIRACY   TRIAL,    1865 

A  FULL  report  of  this  trial  may  be  found  in  a 
work  called  The  Assassination  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
compiled  by  Benn  Pitman  (official  stenographer 
of  the  court,  published  at  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  in 
1865.  This  work  included  the  charges  against 
the  prisoners,  the  testimony  of  witnesses,  and  the 
documents  introduced  in  the  case.  The  charges 
summarized  are  against  Jefferson  Davis  and  other 
prominent  persons  in  the  Confederate  cause, 
together  with  the  prisoners,  to  kill  Abraham 
Lincoln,  Seward,  Johnson,  et  al.,  the  conspiracy 
being  made  in  the  military  district  of  Washington 
in  March  1865.  The  court  was  composed  of 
Union  officers,  comprising  three  major-generals, 
four  brigadier-generals,  and  two  colonels.  The 
judge  advocate  general  was  Joseph  Holt,  assisted 
by  Messrs.  Bingham  and  Burnett  of  Ohio.  The 
counsel  for  the  prisoners  was  as  follows : 

Dr.  Samuel  Mudd  was  defended  by  Frederick 
Stone  of  Maryland ;  Mary  E.  Surratt  by  Aikin  & 
Clampitt  and  Reverdy  Johnson  of  Washington; 
Herold  by  Stone;  Arnold  by  Ewing  of  Ohio;  Mc- 
Laughlin  by  Coxe  of  Washington;  Spangler  by 

255 


256        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Ewing,  and  Payne  and  Atzerodt  by  the  writer, 
of  Pennsylvania. 

The  proceedings  covered  four  hundred  and 
twenty-one  printed  pages.  The  trial  began  May 
12,  1865,  and  lasted  until  June  3Oth,  when  the 
court  met  and  decided  the  case.  The  court  sat 
at  Washington  in  the  arsenal,  which  was  also 
used  as  a  penitentiary.  The  sentence  of  the 
court  was  that  Payne,  Atzerodt,  Herold,  and  Mrs. 
Surratt  be  hanged;  McLaughlin,  Mudd,  and 
Arnold  be  imprisoned  for  life;  Spangler  undergo 
six  years'  solitary  confinement. 

On  July  5th,  the  sentences  were  ordered  by  the 
President  to  be  carried  out.  On  July  6th,  an 
application  for  clemency  was  made  in  the  forenoon 
to  President  Johnson  but  he  declined  to  see  the 
applicants.  The  same  day,  Mrs.  Surratt  and  other 
prisoners  applied  to  Judge  Wiley,  sitting  in  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia  for  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The  writ  was  issued  to 
the  marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  with 
directions  to  bring  the  prisoners  before  the  court. 
General  Hancock  and  Attorney- General  Speed 
appeared  without  the  prisoners,  and  declined  to 
give  them  up,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  the 
orders  of  the  President  to  execute  the  prisoners. 
Judge  Wiley  held  that  this  was  no  good  return, 
but  that  he  was  unable  to  compel  the  production  of 
the  prisoners  held  by  a  major-general  with  the 
division  of  infantry.  The  prisoners  were  then 
executed. 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  257 

An  account  of  this  trial  can  also  be  found  in  two 
volumes  published  in  Boston  by  Benn  Perly  Poore 
and  again,  in  one  volume  by  Peterson,  of  Phila 
delphia — both  1865. 

On  May  12,  1865,  being  at  that  time  engaged 
in  the  trial  of  causes  before  military  courts  at 
Washington,  I  was  retained  for  the  defense  of 
Atzerodt,  by  his  brother,  a  detective  on  the  force 
of  Marshal  McPhail  of  Baltimore.  The  prisoner 
Payne  being  without  counsel,  the  Assistant  Judge- 
Advocate,  General  Burnett,  requested  me  to  take 
his  case,  also,  as  he  had  about  as  much  of  a  chance 
to  get  off,  as  the  other,  that  is — none  at  all.  This 
I,  at  first,  refused  to  do,  on  the  ground  that  I  had 
my  hands  more  than  full  with  one,  considering  the 
excited  state  of  public  feeling,  and  that,  in  fact, 
this  was  a  contest  in  which  a  few  lawyers  were  on 
one  side,  and  the  whole  United  States  on  the 
other — a  case  in  which,  of  course,  the  verdict  was 
known  beforehand.  I  finally  allowed  my  name 
to  go  down  for  Payne  temporarily,  but  with  the 
understanding  that  as  soon  as  he  could  secure 
counsel  for  himself,  I  might  and  would  withdraw. 
He  never  secured  other  counsel  and  I  had  to  do  the 
best  I  could  for  both  clients. 

The  circumstances  under  which,  and  the  place 
where,  the  trial  began,  were  not  of  a  character  to 
cheer  counsel  in  their  task.  The  charge  in  general 
was  assassination — a  crime  against  which  modern 
civilization  revolts  and  a  charge  unknown  to  our 
law  books — upon  a  President  and  Secretary  of 

17 


258        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

State,  the  first  of  whom  by  the  downfall  of  the 
rebellion  stood  at  the  very  pinnacle  of  public 
idolatry — the  last  of  whom,  by  the  same  cause, 
and  by  a  recent  accidental  fall  from  a  carriage, 
enlisted  the  respectful  sympathy  of  the  public 
heart.  The  funeral  of  the  President  with  its 
million  illuminations,  its  crowds  of  mourners,  its 
solemn  catafalque  and  processions  had  just  passed. 
The  armies  of  the  Republic  were  about  to  be 
assembled  for  a  triumphal  march  through  the 
Capitol.  These  things  and  the  feelings  they 
inspired  bore  hard  against  the  accused,  in  the 
minds  of  the  loyal  North,  and  could  not  help 
dispiriting  counsel  as  much  as  they  encouraged 
the  ardor  of  the  judge  advocate,  and  tended  to 
inflame  the  minds  of  the  soldiers  who  composed 
the  court. 

Even  among  the  enemies  of  the  Republic,  the 
prisoners  had  no  friends.  The  rebels,  surprised 
at  the  sudden  fall  of  the  Confederacy,  eager  to 
think  with  the  triumphing  side  in  a  cordial  way, 
the  necessity  among  all  disaffected  people  of  now 
showing  hands,  found,  in  the  appearance  of  a  forlorn 
lot  of  conspirators,  a  most  timely  subject  of  com 
mon  reprobation — a  most  agreeable  means  of  being 
identified  with  the  loyal  side — as  if  to  abuse  them 
or  their  counsel  was  to  be  put  on  the  level  of  men 
who  had  been  loyal  throughout  the  war. 

Even  the  new  President,  the  man  most  benefited 
by  the  offense  charged,  was  interested  in  refuting, 
by  a  severe  course,  any  suspicions  of  complicity, 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  259 

and  already  showed  a  pet  pride  in  being  esteemed 
of  unshaken  firmness — a  pride  which  his  Cabinet, 
being  under  a  new  master  and  liable  to  his  inclina 
tions,  was  scarcely  likely  to  oppose. 

More  than  all,  it  was  the  period  proper  for 
punishment  of  the  rebellion,  and  somebody  must 
be  hanged  for  example's  sake. 

Thus  avoided,  like  the  pestilence,  by  all  classes, 
the  accused  had  no  reliance  except  in  such  little 
as  counsel  could  do.  That  could  not  in  the  nat 
ure  of  things  be  much.  Before  military  courts 
prisoners  are  practically  situated  in  a  direction 
directly  opposite  from  what  they  are  in  civil 
courts.  They  are  presumed  to  be  guilty  and  are 
called  on  to  prove  their  innocence.  In  this  case 
most  of  the  evidence  taken  at  the  Bureau  of 
Military  Justice  had  been  daily  published  as  it 
was  taken.  The  court  had  doubtless  read  it. 
The  members  could  not  help  feeling  that  the  coun 
try  expected  them,  on  the  evidence  already  known, 
to  find  the  prisoners  guilty.  Their  business  was 
chiefly  to  discover  the  degrees  of  guilt  and  impose 
the  sentences  in  regular  form.  They  knew  that 
one  of  the  party  had  been  shot  without  any  trial, 
and  the  country  applauded.  Was  it  likely  they 
apprehended  trouble  for  or  during  the  execution 
of  the  rest,  with  all  the  paraphernalia  of  a  military 
trial  and  after  six  weeks'  hearing?  The  brutal 
nature  of  a  military  court  appears  in  this.  After 
the  argument  in  behalf  of  Payne  was  submitted  the 
court  adjourned  for  lunch.  During  lunch  one  of 


26o        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

the  members  of  the  commission  remarked,  "  Well, 
Payne  seems  to  want  to  be  hung,  so  I  guess  we 
might  as  well  hang  him. " 

There  were  minor  circumstances  against  the 
defense.  The  prosecution  had  had  a  month  as 
sisted  by  the  whole  war  power  of  the  Government, 
its  railroads,  telegraphs,  detectives,  and  military 
bureau  to  get  its  evidence  into  shape.  The 
prisoners  did  not  receive  their  charges  until  the 
day  the  trial  opened  and  then  they  could  only 
communicate  sitting  in  chains,  with  a  soldier  on 
each  side,  a  great  crowd  surrounding  them,  and 
whisper  through  the  bars  of  the  dock  to  their 
counsel  Had  counsel  been  closeted  with  the 
prisoners  for  weeks,  with  the  charges  in  their  hands 
and  the  war  power  of  the  Government  at  their 
disposal,  the  odds  might  have  been  more  even. 

Counsel  were  not  independent.  In  all  military 
courts  they  are  only  tolerated.  Here  they  were 
surrounded  by  bayonets  and  seated  in  a  peni 
tentiary.  Every  paper  they  read  abused  them. 
The  judges  could  not  be  challenged.  They  were 
not  peers,  but  high  military  officers.  The  names  of 
witnesses  were  not  given  the  prisoners.  Tenden 
cies,  not  facts,  were  admitted.  The  court,  not 
knowing  anything  about  the  rules  of  evidence, 
ruled  out  practically  everything  the  judge  advo 
cates  objected  to  and  admitted  everything  the 
counsel  objected  to. 

The  witnesses  were  many  of  them  detectives  in 
the  government  pay.  The  judges  were  dependent 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  261 

on  the  Executive.  The  punishment  was  not 
fixed,  but  discretionary.  The  crimes  were  not 
defined  by  any  known  rules  of  law  but  were  vaguely 
called  offenses  against  the  "common  law  of  war." 
In  brief,  the  situation  was  as  it  has  been  admirably 
anticipated  by  Dr.  Lieber  in  his  essay  on  Civil 
Liberty. 

"The  dire  idea  of  acrimen  exceptum  gains  ground. 
The  reasoning,  or  rather  unreasoning,  is,  that  the 
crime  is  so  enormous  that  the  criminal  ought  not 
to  have  the  same  chance  of  escape,  thus  assuming 
that  the  accused,  yet  to  be  proved  a  criminal,  is 
in  fact  a  criminal,  and  forgetting  that  the  graver 
the  accusation  is,  and  the  severer  therefore  the 
punishment  in  case  of  established  guilt  may  be, 
the  safer  and  more  guarded  ought  to  be  the  trial." 

Under  these  distressing  circumstances  there  was 
nothing  to  do  except  what  lawyers  have  often  tried 
before,  but  which  no  one  to  my  knowledge  has 
done  successfully  during  the  war — plead  to  the 
jurisdiction — that  is  to  say,  in  language  not  tech 
nical,  to  demonstrate  to  the  court  that  the  pris 
oners,  being  citizens,  had  a  right  to  be  tried  by  a 
civil  court,  before  a  jury  of  citizens,  which  in 
this  case  would  have  been  the  Supreme  Court  of 
the  District  of  Columbia.  Judge  Carter  of  Ohio, 
a  personal  friend  of  Lincoln's,  was  the  president 
judge,  and  Olin,  one  of  the  associates,  was  a  late 
Republican  Representative  from  New  York  of  a 
court  created  during  the  war,  and  which  was  in 
session  at  the  very  time  these  officers  were  assem- 


262        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

bled  as  a  military  court  in  the  penitentiary.  To 
prove  to  a  military  court  that  they  have  no  right 
to  try  citizens  should  be  no  great  task  in  a  repub 
lic.  Every  schoolboy  who  has  read  the  Constitu 
tion  knows  that  it  cannot  lawfully  be  done  in 
time  of  peace.  Was  this  a  time  of  peace?  Cer 
tainly  the  war  was  over;  the  armies  had  surren 
dered  in  May,  1865.  The  whole  North  had  re 
joiced  over  peace.  And  the  doors  of  the  civil 
courts  were  open,  ready  to  take  charge  of  the  pris 
oners.  There  was  no  danger  to  any  one  by  send 
ing  them  before  Carter;  nothing  to  be  gained  by 
a  military  court  except  certainty  of  death,  and 
shooting  them  as  Booth  was  shot  would  have  ac 
complished  that  with  far  less  expense.  There  was 
no  difficulty  in  getting  a  jury  as  was  seen  in  the 
subsequent  trial  of  John  Surratt. 

Reverdy  Johnson,  one  of  the  counsel  for  Mrs. 
Surratt,  saw  this  very  clearly.  He  said  at  the 
outset:  "The  only  hope  of  these  people  lies  in  a 
successful  plea  to  the  jurisdiction  and  a  civil  trial," 
and  he  as  well  as  most  of  the  other  counsel  laid 
their  greatest  strength  on  that.  Of  course,  the 
success  of  one  would  be  the  success  of  all.  I  had 
had  experience  with  that  plea  before,  and  never  for 
a  moment  imagined  these  officers  would  dispute 
the  sense  of  Stanton's  orders,  or  doubt  the  law 
of  Attorney-General  Speed,  who  assured  them 
they  were  all  right.  I  did  hope,  however,  that  the 
people  and  the  press  would  support  it.  Accord 
ingly,  I  also  plead  to  the  jurisdiction  as  a  matter  of 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  263 

form.  Mr.  Johnson  wrote  out  his  long  argument, 
and  Mr.  Aikin,  one  of  his  colleagues,  read  it  to  the 
court,  although  it  was  meant  for  the  President 
and  the  people.  It  was  very  able  and  exhausted 
the  subject.  From  what  members  of  the  court 
have  since  told  me,  it  had  no  effect  on  them  what 
ever.  They  had  Stanton's  orders,  and  that  was 
enough  for  them  who  were  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States. 

They  retired,  deliberated  in  secret,  returned,  and 
overruled  the  plea,  that  is,  they  decided  they  had 
a  right  to  try  them,  and  Judge  Carter  had  none. 
This  was  about  as  sensible  as  taking  the  opinion 
of  Chief  Justice  Chase  on  a  disputed  question 
of  strategy. 

This  was  practically  the  end  of  my  case,  as  far 
as  any  show  of  legal  defense  was  concerned.  The 
rest  was  firing  pistol  shots  against  siege  guns — two 
men  in  irons  against  a  dozen  major-generals,  with 
a  swarm  of  detectives  within  the  penitentiary  and 
a  division  of  infantry  outside. 

Besides  pleading  to  the  jurisdiction,  Reverdy 
Johnson  once  and  once  only  took  part  in  person 
in  the  defense,  probably  to  avoid  the  odium. 
This  was  when  the  witness  Weichmann  gave  his 
damaging  testimony  against  Mrs.  Surratt.  As 
he  was  about  to  take  the  witness  in  hand,  General 
Harris  arose  and  objected  to  him  as  a  person  who 
could  not  take  the  prescribed  oath,  as  he  had 
advised  the  people  of  Maryland  that  a  certain  oath 
was  not  binding. 


264        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

This  attack  brought  out  Mr.  Johnson,  and  I 
have  always  considered  his  reply  as  a  magnificent 
exhibition  of  moral  courage  against  physical  force. 
The  walls  were  lined  with  soldiers  and  bayonets; 
he  stood  inside  of  the  penitentiary  and  before  an 
excited  military  commission  of  generals,  with  a 
determined  and  excitable  president  at  its  head. 
He  calmly  recounted  the  facts  about  his  advice  to 
the  people  of  Maryland,  and  every  one  felt  when 
he  said :  ' '  But  let  me  ask  who  constituted  you  the 
arbiters  of  the  morals  of  the  bar  ?  Let  me  tell  you 
that  I  have  taken  the  oath  you  speak  of  before  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States,  of  which  I  am  a 
member, — the  body  which  creates  armies  and 
navies  and  makes  major-generals, "  that  his  adver 
sary  was  prostrate.  The  court  retired  and  ad 
mitted  Johnson,  without  the  oath. 

I  cannot  help  believing  that  Johnson's  absence 
during  the  rest  of  the  trial  had  a  bad  effect  on  his 
client's  cause,  on  account  of  the  conclusion  drawn 
by  many,  that  he  had  given  up  her  case. 

During  the  first  two  weeks  of  the  trial  I  could 
get  nothing  out  of  Payne  either  as  to  his  previous 
history,  or  as  to  anything  he  might  have  to  say  in 
his  own  defense,  or  as  to  whether  he  wished  to  be 
defended  at  all.  During  all  this  time  I  knew  very 
little  more  of  him  than  the  public  generally,  and 
not  near  as  much  as  the  prosecution,  and  was  in 
great  doubt  whether  to  explain  his  conduct  by 
lunacy,  unparalleled  stupidity  or  fear  of  prejudicing 
his  cause  by  communications  with  his  counsel. 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  265 

He  would  sit  bolt  upright  with  the  back  of  his  head 
against  the  wall;  his  two  manacled  hands  spread 
out  on  his  knees,  staring  straight  forward  at  the 
crowd  behind  the  president  of  the  court.  The 
curiosity  to  see  the  prisoners  was  wonderful  and 
the  crowd  sometimes  so  great  as  to  prevent  counsel 
from  seeing  what  the  court  was  doing.  The  heat 
too  began  to  be  excessive  and,  as  the  ventilation  was 
poor,  the  situation  was  extremely  uncomfortable. 
By  the  time  the  prosecution  had  got  to  the 
middle  of  their  evidence  concerning  Payne,  and 
when  he  had  been  identified,  standing  up  with  his 
hat  and  coat  on,  by  Seward's  negro  boy,  the  ap 
proaching  danger  seemed  to  thaw  him  out.  One 
Saturday  afternoon  he  asked  me  what  next  day 
was.  I  answered,  "Sunday."  He  then  said  if 
I  could  get  down  to  the  arsenal  and  could  procure 
a  private  interview  with  him  he  would  like  to  tell 
me  something.  I  saw  him  next  day  in  the  court 
room  alone,  although  sentinels  were  at  each  door, 
outside.  He  then  gave  me  the  history  of  his  life 
disconnectedly,  but  kept  very  still  about  his  share 
in  the  transaction,  at  first.  He  inquired  how  Mr. 
Fred.  Seward  was  getting  along  and,  when  he  was 
told,  said  he  was  sorry  he  had  hurt  the  young  man 
and  owed  him  an  apology.  This  he  said  often 
afterwards.  His  mind  seemed  of  the  lowest  order, 
very  little  above  the  brute,  and  his  moral  faculties 
equally  low.  On  hearing  the  narrative,  I  imme 
diately  concluded  that  the  only  thing  possible  to 
be  done  on  his  behalf  was  to  let  the  court  know  all 


266        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

that  I  knew  about  his  mental  and  moral  nature 
and  his  previous  education.  This,  by  the  rules  of 
evidence  which  were  strictly  enforced  against  the 
prisoners,  but  relaxed  in  favor  of  the  prosecution, 
could  only  be  done  under  the  plea  of  insanity, 
which  was  accordingly  adopted.  Under  the  plea 
of  not  guilty,  I  had  no  recourse  except  to  show  that 
he  was  not  the  man  Seward's  negro  took  him  to  be, 
and  I  could  not  show  that.  Even  under  the  plea  of 
insanity  I  could  not  let  the  court  talk  to  the  pris 
oner,  and  find  out  for  itself  what  a  phenomenon  he 
was.  That  was  to  be  done  by  experts.  He  could 
not  remember  for  a  long  time  what  State  or  County 
he  was  born  in  or  how  old  he  was.  Dr.  Nichols 
was  called,  examined  him,  and  gave  me  to  under 
stand  that  he  had  grave  doubts  of  the  prisoner's 
sanity.  Just  as  he  was  about  to  testify  on  that 
point  a  messenger  arrived  stating  that  his  wife  was 
on  the  point  of  death.  She  died,  and  his  testimony 
could  not  be  had.  This  was  a  great  blow. 

Dr.  Hall,  another  eminent  physician  of  Washing 
ton,  who  was  the  first  doctor  called  in  to  see  Mr. 
Lincoln  after  he  was  shot,  also  examined  him. 
He  also  testified  that  he  had  doubts  about  the 
soundness  of  his  mind.  All  agreed  that  his  phys 
ical  system  was  greatly  deranged.  It  is  singular, 
however,  that  all  the  army  surgeons  who  were 
examined  swore  the  other  way,  and  the  prosecution 
knew  better  than  to  call  civilians  who  made  in 
sanity  a  specialty.  I  have  never  entertained  a 
doubt  myself,  that  the  man  was  not  what  is  termed 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  267 

compos  mentis,  i.e.,  a  person  of  average  understand 
ing  but  in  that  respect  a  dwarf.  Either  this  or 
he  played  his  part  very  well  to  the  end.  Neither 
have  I  any  doubt  that  before  a  civil  tribunal  where 
the  court  would  have  waited  until  I  received  my 
witnesses  from  Florida  (which  this  court  would  not 
do)  and  could  have  inquired  into  his  previous 
conduct  the  physicians  would  have  declared  him 
not  an  accountable  being,  on  account  of  his  utter 
dullness,  and  inability  to  decide  between  right  and 
wrong. 

General  Harris,  a  physician,  one  of  the  members 
of  the  commission,  before  I  thought  of  this  plea, 
suggested  to  me  that  a  person  constipated  as 
Payne  was  well  known  to  be,  must  be  entirely  out 
of  order,  and  that  this  was  a  general  accompanying 
symptom  of  the  early  stages  of  insanity.  After 
the  plea  was  made  public  Miss  Anna  Surratt  (the 
daughter  of  the  prisoner,  Mrs.  Surratt)  assured  me 
that  Payne's  conduct  at  their  house  was  that  of  a 
perfect  fool,  and  her  belief  was  that  he  had  not 
his  five  senses.  She  grew  hysterical,  however, 
every  time  I  brought  her  to  the  stand  and  I 
am  not  sure  but  her  acquaintance  with  him 
would  have  only  injured  his  case — as  far  as  it  was 
injurable. 

When  I  first  offered  my  testimony  of  insanity, 
Bingham,  in  a  violent  manner,  as  was  his  custom, 
would  have  it  that  I  must  lay  the  foundation  of 
insanity  first.  I  claimed  that  the  prosecution  had 
done  that  already  in  showing  the  circumstances  of 


268        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

his  arrest,  when  he  appeared,  flimsily  disguised, 
saying,  "I'm  mad!  I'm  mad!"  and  the  like. 

Governor  Andrew  of  Massachusetts,  who  was 
sitting  by  my  side  at  the  time,  remarked  that 
Bingham's  position  was  wrong,  and  it  would  be  a 
shame  if  the  commission  ruled  me  out.  But  they 
did.  In  addition  to  the  physicians  I  had  early 
summoned  Mrs.  and  Miss  Bronson  of  Baltimore, 
at  whose  house  he  had  stayed,  in  the  hope  of  learn 
ing  something  about  him.  They  were  so  fright 
ened  that  nothing  could  be  got  from  them  except 
that  he  had  nearly  beaten  the  servant  to  death, 
because  she  did  not  clear  out  his  room.  Other 
wise  they  said  he  had  behaved  himself  with 
extreme  quietness,  scarcely  ever  saying  anything. 

In  this  way  the  commission  heard  everything 
that  I  knew  that  could  be  of  advantage  to  him, — 
some  things  not  so  favorable.  One  of  the  detec 
tives  in  charge  of  Payne  told  me  I  should  call  him, 
—he  could  swear  he  was  crazy.  I  did  so,  and  he 
swore  Payne  said  "they  were  tracking  him  pretty 
close."  I  dispensed  with  further  detective  testi 
mony. 

The  history  of  the  prisoner  as  he  gave  it  to 
me  was  arranged  and  given  to  the  commission 
as  it  appeared  at  the  time.  (See  Argument  in 
Benn  Pitman's  Report.)  Some  things  should  be 
added.  He  said  he  was  a  member  of  Mosby's 
Gang,  and  on  deserting,  changed  his  name  from 
Powell  to  Payne  in  Alexandria,  where  he  took  the 
oath  of  allegiance.  The  plan  about  medicines,  and 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  269 

the  pretext  that  he  was  a  messenger  from  Dr. 
Verdi,  Seward's  physic'an,  he  got  from  Herold, 
who  was  an  apothecary's  boy.  -After  abandoning 
his  horse  he  took  to  the  woods  north  of  Fort 
Lincoln  and  stayed  there  three  days,  in  the  top 
of  a  cedar  tree.     The  skirmishers  passed  right 
below  him — backwards  and  forwards.     The  blood 
on  his  sleeve  came  from  his  own  finger  which  was 
hurt  in  the  struggle  with  Frederick  Seward.     He 
wiped  the  blood  there  after  leaving.     He  threw 
away  his  coat,  disguised  himself  with  his  drawers, 
and  pick,  and  came  to  town  because  he  could  not 
stand  hunger  any  longer.    Came  to  Mrs.  Surratt's, 
because  she  was  the  only  person  he  knew  in  Wash 
ington,  to  get  something  to  eat.     Booth  never  told 
him  what  his  plans  were  until  8  o'clock  of  the 
evening  of  the  assassination.     Mrs.  Surratt  was  in 
nocent.     Near  the  end  of  the  trial  a  report  spread 
that  Mr.  Seward,  in  pursuance  of  a  sagacious  and 
generous  policy,  would  in  case  Payne  was  sen 
tenced  to  death,  ask  for  his  pardon,  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  not  right  that  he  should  outlive  his  own 
murderer — and  some  pretended  to  predict  this  with 
certainty.     The  prisoner  when  he  heard  of  it  failed 
to  put  the  slightest  confidence  in  it.     He  had  made 
up  his  mind  that  death  was  the  only  door  through 
which  he  would  ever  leave  the  penitentiary.     The 
sudden  death  of  Mrs.  Seward  at  the  very  time 
quenched  all  hopes  on  that  score.     Still  the  fact 
remains   that  the  prisoner  was  never  connected 
directly  with  a  conspiracy  to  kill  Mr.  Lincoln  and 


270        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

legally  could  be  found  guilty  only  of  an  assault  and 
battery  on  Mr.  Seward,  with  intent  to  kill — a 
penitentiary  offense. 

Between  the  end  of  the  trial  and  the  publication 
of  the  sentence  on  the  6th  of  July,  at  a  time  when 
the  newspapers  were  full  of  descriptions  of  the 
prisoners  and  their  defenses,  I  was  startled  one 
evening  by  the  appearance  in  my  office  of  a  tall, 
muscular,  and  well-dressed  gentleman,  who  said  he 
was  from  the  eastern  shore  of  Maryland,  and  who 
asserted  with  great  emphasis  that  Payne  was  his 
younger  brother,  an  insane  man,  who  had  escaped 
from  a  private  lunatic  asylum  the  year  before,  and 
of  whom  his  family  had  lost  all  traces,  until  reading 
a  description  of  Payne  in  the  newspapers,  they 
felt  sure  that  he  was  their  fugitive  brother.  The 
family  physician  had  already  visited  the  com 
mission  and  identified  him  beyond  mistake.  I 
scrutinized  him  closely  and  there  certainly  ap 
peared  to  be  in  the  height  of  the  two,  complexion, 
and  general  air  a  resemblance.  I  told  him  he  could 
see  the  prisoner  in  the  morning,  when  the  court 
opened,  but  his  anxiety  of  mind  was  so  great  that 
he  must  have  an  interview  with  him  that  very  night. 
I  must  jump  into  his  cab  and  see  the  Secretary  of 
War  about  a  pass.  Having  to  do  with  a  member 
of  an  insane  family,  I  yielded.  The  Secretary  of 
course  refused.  Not  baffled,  the  stranger  drove 
to  the  arsenal,  and  tried  to  prevail  on  General  Hart- 
ranft  to  admit  him,  but  without  success.  Next 
morning,  long  before  the  hour  of  opening,  the 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  271 

stranger  was  on  hand,  sitting  before  the  dock. 
When  Payne  entered  he  at  least  did  not  recognize 
the  other  staring  him  in  the  face.  After  an  atten 
tive  examination  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that 
everything  was  his  brother  except  the  shape  of 
the  nose,  and  left  greatly  disappointed. 

When  I  saw  Payne  last  in  his  cell  even  his  forti 
tude  seemed  to  be  shaken  by  the  hurried  way  in 
which  he  was  to  be  executed.  The  sentence  was 
read  to  him  on  the  afternoon  of  July  6th  and  he 
was  to  be  executed  next  day  at  i  P.  M.  I  visited 
him  just  before  the  execution.  He  had  been 
removed  from  his  old  cell  to  the  ground  floor. 
He  had  heard  the  noise  of  the  hammers  on  the 
scaffolding.  He  was  crouched  like  a  tiger  at  bay, 
in  the  farthest  corner  of  his  cell,  his  eyes  red  and 
glaring.  The  corridor  was  at  this  time  full  of 
friends  of  the  prisoners,  but  his  own  were  in 
Florida.  He  thanked  me  heartily  for  the  trouble 
he  had  given  me,  and  offered  me  his  jack-knife, 
as  the  only  earthly  thing  he  had  to  give,  which  I 
declined.  On  his  way  to  the  scaffold  as  he  walked 
between  two  soldiers  I  saw  for  the  first  time  what 
a  splendid  carriage,  height,  and  physical  develop 
ment  he  had.  Coming  next  after  Mrs.  Surratt, 
who  was  half  carried  and  half  supported  by  the 
soldiers,  he  was  obliged  to  stop  occasionally  and  as 
he  did  so  would  look  around  on  the  spectators  with 
a  calm  but  haughty  expression. 

When  he  was  seated  on  the  scaffold  a  gentle  wind 
from  the  bay  sprung  up  and  blew  off  the  little 


272        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

round  sailor  hat  some  one  had  bought  for  him 
and  stuck  jauntily  on  his  head.  He  instantly 
turned  to  recover  it,  as  if  it  were  the  most  mport- 
ant  thing  that  the  sun  should  not  dazzle  the  eyes 
that  a  few  moments  later  were  closed  forever. 
During  the  trial  I  wrote  repeatedly  to  his  father, 
but  it  was  not  until  long  after  the  trial  and  execu 
tion  that  I  received  the  following : 

THE  FATHER'S  LETTER 

LIVE  OAK,  EAST  FLORIDA,  Sept.  30,  1865. 

DEAR  SIR:  On  my  return  home  some  days  since, 
I  found  your  very  welcome  letter,  which  brought  me 
some  interesting  items  in  reference  to  my  unfortunate 
and  lamented  son.  Be  assured,  sir,  that  your  kind 
ness  both  to  him  and  myself  are  highly  appreciated. 
At  the  time  your  first  letter  reached  me  I  was  confined 
to  my  bed,  and  it  was  received  only  the  day  before 
the  execution.  I  did  not  answer  it,  for  I  intended  to 
come  to  Washington  as  soon  as  possible,  and  started  as 
soon  as  I  could  travel.  At  Jacksonville  I  met  the  sad 
intelligence  of  his  execution  and  returned  home  in  sor 
row,  such  as  is  not  common  for  human  hearts  to  bear. 

As  to  his  early  history,  he  was  born  in  the  State 
of  Alabama,  April  22,  1844  (I  see  by  a  statement  of 
his  that  he  was  mistaken  by  one  year  in  his  age). 
In  the  twelfth  year  of  his  age  he  made  a  profession  of 
religion,  and  from  that  time  he  lived  a  pious  life  up 
to  the  time  of  his  enlistment.  He  was  soon  ordered 
to  Virginia.  From  that  time  forward  I  know  nothing 
of  him  only  by  letter.  He  was  always  kind  and  tender 
hearted,  yet  determined  in  all  his  undertakings.  He 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  273 

was  much  esteemed  by  all  who  knew  him,  and  bid 
fair    for    usefulness    in    Church    and    State.     Please 
accept  the  warmest  thanks  of  myself  and  family  for 
the  services  rendered  the  unfortunate  youth. 
Very  truly  and  sincerely  yours, 

GEORGE  C.  POWELL. 

ATZERODT 

As  before  stated  I  was  retained  for  this  prisoner 
by  his  brother.  It  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  the 
discord  of  civil  war  that  this  same  brother,  who 
was  a  detective  on  the  force  of  Provost  Marshal 
McPhail  of  Baltimore,  had  both  given  the  informa 
tion  which  lead  to  his  brother's  arrest  and  paid  for 
his  defense  after  he  was  arrested.  Atzerodt's 
brother-in-law  was  one  of  McPhail's  deputies  and 
was  placed  in  the  same  double  character  of  helping 
to  denounce  and  helping  to  defend  his  relative. 
It  appears  that  George,  the  accused,  had  visited 
Baltimore  a  short  time  before  the  assassination  and 
talked  so  largely  about  his  probable  speedy  wealth 
that  they  suspected  him  and  gave  McPhail  an 
account  of  his  strange  conduct.  This  lead  to 
nothing.  But  after  it  was  over  they  knew  that  he 
had  gone  to  another  brother-in-law  Hartman,  in 
Maryland,  and  themselves  piloted  the  detachment 
of  Baker  to  the  house.  The  whole  family  were 
Germans,  and  were  much  troubled,  between  the 
desire  to  prevent  being  complicated  with  the  guilt 
of  George,  and  the  desire  to  help  him  out  of  his 
scrape. 

18 


274        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

They  all  appeared  to  be  constitutionally  of  a 
vacillating  and  irresolute  frame  of  mind.  The 
effect  of  this  situation  and  temper  of  his  relatives 
made  his  defense  more  difficult  still.  I  scarcely 
knew  whether  they  wanted  him  acquitted  or  con 
victed.  In  the  subpoenaing  of  witnesses  they  were 
afraid,  if  they  got  him  off,  to  lose  their  places  in 
the  United  States  employ.  Consequently,  his 
witnesses  seldom  came  to  time. 

Atzerodt  from  the  time  I  first  saw  him  until  he 
was  executed  told  the  same  story  which  he  after 
wards  told  in  his  confession — that  he  knew  nothing 
of  the  assassination  plot,  until  two  hours  before  it 
was  carried  out,  and  that  then  he  refused  to  have 
anything  to  do  with  it.  Being  in,  as  far  as  he  was, 
he  had  to  keep  up  appearances.  His  part  was  to 
kill  Mr.  Johnson,  he  said.  He  had  ample  oppor 
tunity  but  did  not  intend  to  do  it.  His  defense  lay 
mainly  in  showing  this — that  he  had  abundant 
occasion  to  carry  out  such  an  intention  had  it 
existed,  that  the  President  was  in  his  room  all 
night,  with  the  door  open.  The  only  witness  who 
could  have  shown  this  was  the  President  himself. 
I  subpoenaed  him  to  appear  and  testify,  but  he 
did  not  come.  I  issued  another  subpoena.  He 
then  sent  me  word  through  his  private  Secretary 
that  he  did  not  intend  to  come.  That  I  should 
subpoena  Governor  Fairchild  who  had  come  to  his 
room  to  inform  him  of  the  assassination.  I  did 
subpoena  him,  but  his  evidence  was  of  course  not 
sufficient  to  prove  the  condition  of  a  room  for  the 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  275 

previous  two  hours.  I  pressed  Mr.  Johnson  no 
further,  for  I  did  not  care  to  irritate  the  very  man 
who  could  pardon  the  prisoner,  and  also  must  have 
known  that  to  Atzerodt's  unwillingness  he  was 
indebted  for  his  life.  The  sequel  showed,  however, 
that  he  did  not  consider  this.  There  was  nothing 
about  this  prisoner's  appearance  to  win  favor  with 
a  court  of  military  men.  He  looked  demoralized 
and  low.  During  the  period  that  elapsed  between 
his  sentence  and  execution,  he  oscillated  between 
a  condition  of  moaning  stupor,  kneeling,  and  cry 
ing,  "Oh!  Oh!  Oh!"  and  again  begging  in  piteous 
accents  to  know  whether  there  was  no  hope  at  all. 
It  was  heart-rending  to  see. 

He  appeared  to  think  that  his  confession  to  Mar 
shal  McPhail  and  to  Captain  Monroe  had  secured 
his  pardon,  at  least.  Besides,  he  placed  great  re 
liance  on  the  efforts  of  his  family  and  McPhail  to 
get  him  pardoned.  I  was  at  the  President's  on 
the  morning  of  the  execution,  but  saw  none  of 
his  friends,  although  since  Miss  Surratt  failed 
to  get  any  mercy,  I  suppose  their  efforts  would 
have  been  fruitless.  His  family  made  many  at 
tempts  to  get  his  body  but,  at  that  time,  without 
avail. ' 

The  actor  Booth  had  been  subpoenaed  on  behalf 
of  these  prisoners  to  show  the  influence  his  brother 
exerted  over  weaker  minds.  He  came  but  said  he 
knew  less  of  his  brother,  probably,  than  any  one— 
that  he  had  had  nothing  to  do  with  him  for  years. 

1  General  Muzzey  told  us  the  President  would  not  see  us. 


276        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

Booth's  mistress,  Ella  Turner,  a  rather  pretty, 
light-haired,  little  woman  was  also  on  hand.  But 
that  sort  of  evidence  was  not  very  much  to  the 
point  and  they  were  dismissed  without  examination. 
Mrs.  Surratt  was  sick  during  a  great  part  of  this 
trial.  Her  dress  and  manner  were  certainly  emi 
nently  respectable.  There  was  an  air  of  undeniable 
matronly,  or  rather  motherly,  innocence  in  her 
face  that  went  a  great  way.  I  judged  that  in  her 
youth  she  was  the  belle  they  claimed  she  had  been. 
Her  sickness  was  change  of  life,  which  weakened 
her  greatly.  Her  cell  by  reason  of  her  sickness, 
was  scarcely  habitable.  I  doubt  whether  she 
knew  much  of  her  execution.  She  behaved  as  one 
that  was  three-fourths  dead.  To  me  the  most 
harrowing  part  of  her  execution  was  to  see  her 
bonnet  removed  by  two  soldiers  and  the  rope  put 
around  her  neck.  It  was  the  meeting  of  the  ex 
tremes  of  what  is  esteemed  sacred  and  what  is 
deemed  infamous.  During  her  execution,  her 
daughter  Anna  was  present  in  a  room  on  the  second 
floor  of  the  arsenal.  She  sat  at  one  window  and  I 
at  another,  which  windows  commanded  the  yard. 
She  stood  by  one  of  the  windows  until  the  rope  was 
fixed.  Then  she  fell  down  in  a  swoon. 

HEROLD 

The  prisoner  Herold  was  the  most  reckless  and 
boyish  of  the  party  and  seemed  considerably 
pleased  by  the  attention  he  attracted.  He  was 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  277 

frequently  calling  one  or  the  other  of  the  counsel 
to  him  to  make  suggestions  that  were  puerile. 
When  the  defense  of  Mrs.  Surratt  appeared  to  be 
making  out  a  tolerable  case  in  her  behalf,  by  show 
ing  the  real  character  of  the  witnesses  against  her,  he 
appeared  jealous  of  her  good  luck  and  said:  "That 
old  lady  is  as  deep  in  as  any  of  us."  This,  how 
ever,  was  stoutly  denied  by  Payne  and  Atzerodt, 
who  constantly  and  repeatedly  stated  that  Mrs. 
Surratt  was  entirely  innocent  of  the  conspiracy. 
This  was  said  by  Payne  a  very  few  minutes  before 
his  execution.  After  the  execution  I  hurried  out 
of  the  arsenal  in  front  of  which  a  big  crowd  was 
standing  and  shouting  " Judicial  murder!" 

During  the  last  days  of  the  trial  the  triumphant 
army  came  to  Washington.  Having  heard  all  the 
bitterness  of  citizens,  who  had  never  exposed  their 
lives  in  the  field,  pressing  for  the  execution  of  the 
prisoners,  and  having  read  the  vindictive  notices  of 
counsel  in  the  newspapers  for  daring  to  do  their 
professional  duty  when  there  was  some  little  merit 
in  it,  it  was  refreshing  as  the  morning  dew  to  hear, 
as  I  did,  from  many  battle-stained  veterans, 
that  while  they  abhorred  the  crime  as  much  as  any 
one,  they  despised  the  cowardly  commission  pro 
cess,  by  which  the  Government,  which  they  had 
just  made  so  gloriously  triumphant,  was  slowly 
crushing  a  few  stragglers  from  the  rebel  camp 
which  itself  was  just  magnanimously  paroled;  they 
had  no  sympathy  with  a  contest  wherein  a  few 
prosecuting  advocates  in  uniform,  who  never 


278        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

smelt  powder,  sought  to  divide  the  honors  of  the 
triumph  with  their  comrades  in  the  field;  they 
thought  the  laurels  of  no  soldier  would  be  the 
greener  for  being  sprinkled  with  a  woman's  blood. 
I  have  thought  since  then,  that  they  felt  intuitively 
that  an  Administration  which  was  capable  of 
carrying  on  this  trial  might  also  turn  its  back  on 
the  discharged  volunteers.  Had  Johnson's  in 
tuitions  been  equally  keen  he  might  have  foreseen 
that  an  advocate  who  was  willing  to  harangue 
Mrs.  Surratt  to  death  might  try  afterwards  to 
harangue  him  out  of  office. 

Considering  that  at  this  late  day  the  guilt  of 
Mrs.  Surratt  is  still  an  open  question,  the  innocence 
of  Atzerodt  most  probable,  I  am  forced  to  the  con 
clusion  that  this  trial  before  a  military  commission 
overshot  its  mark  and  was  a  great  mistake. 

This  trial  settled  nothing.  It  lead  to  four  execu 
tions  but  a  lynching  would  have  done  that.  The 
certainty  of  guilt  upon  well-defined  and  known 
crimes  on  which  our  notions  of  justice  rest  was 
never  had.  That  entire  ventilation  of  the  transac 
tion  which  is  essential  in  a  free  country  is  still 
unmade.  The  license  with  which  the  Government 
dragged  into  this  trial  a  thousand  details  of  yellow- 
fever  plots,  steamboat  burnings,  and  other  things 
that  were  utterly  foreign  to  the  issue  and  which  had 
no  other  effect  than  to  inflame  the  public  against 
the  prisoners,  showed  a  barbarous  disregard  or 
rather  contempt  for  the  settled  barriers  of  legal 
inquiry.  And  the  haste  with  which  the  con- 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  279 

demned  prisoners  were  dispatched,  while  all  the 
leaders  of  the  rebellion  were  allowed  to  go  free, 
shows  an  unfair  discrimination  and  a  heat  of 
passion  utterly  unlike  the  calm  and  fair  features 
of  eternal  justice. 

The  character  of  Mr.  Johnson,  as  afterwards 
revealed,  shows  more  clearly  why  these  people 
were  so  summarily  hanged.  His  obstinacy  and 
self-will  when  opposed  by  appeals  for  mercy  or 
magnanimity  of  sentiment  carried  him  to  the 
opposite  extreme  of  rigor.  The  suspicion  that 
he  might  have  been  one  of  them  made  him  hasten 
to  show  by  severity  that  his  hands  were  clean. 

It  was  not  the  dangerous  legal  precedent  as  it 
was  by  some  feared  of  becoming,  there  being  only 
one  notable  military  trial  afterwards ;  but  strange 
to  say,  and  yet  it  seems  simple  enough  now,  it 
became  a  political  precedent,  in  other  words,  it 
taught  the  President,  from  the  outset,  that  no 
matter  what  fantastic  freak  of  arbitrary  power  he 
might  be  disposed  to  play,  and  no  matter  whom  he 
might  begin  a  controversy  with,  whether  with  Sum- 
ner,  Stevens,  the  Volunteers,  the  Republican  party 
itself,  or  finally  with  Grant,  Congress,  and  Stanton, 
he  would  never  want,  if  not  a  party,  at  least  a  ring 
of  sycophants,  ready  to  prove  that  he  was  right, 
and  all  the  rest  of  the  world  were  in  the  wrong. 

See  comments  on  this  trial  in  a  work  called 
The  Constitut  on  of  the  United  States,  by  John 
Randolph  Tucker,  vol.  ii.,  page  650,  published  at 
Chicago,  1899: 


280        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

"  Another  case  well  calculated  to  shock  the  public 
sentiment  of  the  country  in  respect  to  the  danger  of 
the  military  power  has  occurred.  In  violation  of  the 
fifth  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  to  be  hereafter 
referred  to,  Mrs.  Surratt,  a  woman,  not  a  soldier  in 
the  army  of  the  United  States  or  subject  to  militia 
duty,  was  arrested  and  tried  by  a  court-martial  for  the 
deplorable  assassination  of  President  Lincoln,  which 
tribunal,  by  the  fifth  amendment,  had  no  jurisdiction 
in  such  cases.  She  was  condemned  to  death.  She 
sued  out  a  petition  for  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  to 
bring  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  civil  courts  in  the 
capital  of  the  country  the  power  of  the  court-martial 
to  condemn  her  to  death.  The  writ  was  issued  by 
Mr.  Justice  Wiley,  one  of  the  judges  of  the  District 
of  Columbia.  With  the  precedent  of  General  Cad- 
walader's  defiance  of  the  order  of  Chief  Justice  Taney 
before  them,  the  military  disobeyed  the  order  of  Mr. 
Justice  Wiley,  and  this  woman,  in  the  shadow  of  the 
Capitol,  under  a  jurisdiction  utterly  unconstitutional, 
and  by  a  military  power  in  defiance  of  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  civil  courts,  was  hung.  It  will  be  perceived, 
therefore,  that  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of  habeas 
corpus  screened  the  unconstitutional  jurisdiction  of 
the  court-martial  from  the  scrutiny  of  the  civil  courts, 
and  under  cover  of  this  the  military  power  was  left 
without  restraint  to  work  the  death  of  its  victim  in 
defiance  of  the  Constitution  of  the  country.  This 
construction,  therefore,  is  not  only  fatal  to  the  liberty 
but  to  the  life  of  the  citizen,  and  puts  his  liberty  and 
life  in  the  hand  of  the  executive." 

As  regards  the  conduct  of  the  judge  advocates, 
that  of  Mr.  Holt  was  courteous  and  moderate 


Conspiracy  Trial,  1865  281 

throughout,  so  was  that  of  Colonel  Burnett.  This, 
however,  cannot  be  said  for  Mr.  Bingham.  His 
mind  seemed  to  be  frenzied  and  his  conduct 
violent.  It  must  always  be  deplored  that  Mr. 
Holt's  last  days  were  embittered  by  a  controversy 
between  him  and  Mr.  Johnson  on  the  question 
whether  Mr.  Holt  had  delivered  to  the  President 
the  recommendation  of  a  majority  of  the  court 
asking  mercy  for  Mrs.  Surratt. 

As  regards  counsel  for  the  defense,  General 
Ewing,  after  the  trial,  settled  in  New  York  and 
acquired  eminence  in  his  profession.  Mr.  Coxe 
became  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  District 
of  Columbia  and  by  a  curious  irony  of  fate  was 
obliged  to  try  Guiteau  for  the  assassination  of 
Garfield.  In  the  light  of  the  result  of  that  trial 
we  can  form  a  tolerably  clear  idea  as  to  what  would 
have  happened  to  these  prisoners  if  they  had  been 
tried  before  Judge  Carter,  on  the  charge  of  murder. 
Payne  would  either  have  been  acquitted,  on  the 
ground  of  insanity,  or,  if  convicted,  would  have 
been  sentenced  to  a  long  term  in  the  penitentiary. 
Atzerodt  would  probably  have  been  convicted, 
but  would  have  received  a  light  sentence.  Herold 
would  have  been  convicted  and  sent  to  the  peni 
tentiary  for  a  long  term.  Arnold,  Spangler,  and 
Mudd  would  have  been  acquitted.  Mrs.  Sur 
ratt  would  have  been  confronted  again  with  the 
testimony  of  her  tenant  Lloyd  and  her  boarder 
Weichmann,  who  turned  State's  evidence  to 
save  their  necks,  and  the  court  would  have 


282        Episodes  of  the  Civil  War 

been  obliged  to  charge  that  they  could  'believe 
these  witnesses  only  as  accomplices  if  they  were 
corroborated. 

With  the  previous  good  character  of  defendant, 
the  jury  would  probably  have  regarded  Mrs.  Sur- 
ratt's  declarations  as  those  of  an  embittered 
Southern  woman,  and  nothing  more,  and  acquitted 
her. 


YB  37771 


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PauIElder&Ch 


